Skip to main content

Full text of "An archaeological inventory report of the Owlshead/Amargosa-Mojave basin planning units of the southern California desert area"

See other formats


88014067 



IAGEMENT 




California 

Desert 

District 




An Archaeological Inventory Report 
of the Owlshead/Amargosa - 
Mojave Basin Planning Units 
of the Southern California Desert Area 



by 
Richard H. Brooks, 

Richard Wilson, 
and Sheilagh Brooks 




cultural resource publications 
anthropology - history 



Cover illustration by Clara Stapp. Geoglyph in upper right hand corner 
is a serpent-like figure scraped into the desert pavement at Denning 
Spring in the Avawatz Mountains. The geoglvnh is approximately 200 
meters long and follows an east-west ridgeline. 



FOREWARDS 



During the process of developing the Bureau of Land Management's 
multiple-use plan for the California Desert Conservation Area in the late 
1970's, it becomes apparent that the short time allowed for field work 
necessitated assistance by non-Bureau contractors. Such was the case 
for archaeological inventories. 

Since BLM's Desert Planning Staff archaeologists, under ray direction, 
had initiated a regional approach (discussed in Appendix D of the Desert 
Plan), it was felt imperative that contractors generally should follow 
compatible methods with allowances for some individual flexibility. This 
would allow for data comparisons while at the same time providing the 
contractor certain freedoms and initiative. 

In this report, Dr. Brooks and his co-workers of the University of 
Nevada, Las Vegas, Archaeological Research Center, have completed one 
of the regional studies for the BLM for a key area in both the Mojave 
and greater California Desert. This region has been, and continues to 
be, a focal point for researchers since the early days of California 
archaeology . 

The Archaeological Research Center has provided a report which 
clearly shows the importance of the region, the diversity of cultural 
resource present, their significance and the general environmental zones 
of greater or lesser cultural resource sensitivity. It is a valuable 
contribution to Mojave Desert archaeology. A companion volume by Claude 
Warren, Martha Knack and Elizabeth von Till Warren (1980), providing a 
detailed overview of the region's archaeology, history and ethnography, 
including a discussion of the local environment, has neen previously 
printed in this series. Together these works provide information 
meaningful to those who appreciate the desert and its resources. 

Eric W.Ritter 
General Editor 

I wish to thank all of those who have supported the archaeology 
program in the California Desert in its efforts to print and disseminate 
cultural resource data to the general and professional public. Among 
those are Gerald Hillier, Dick Freel, Bruce Ottenfeld, Bary Freet, Ronald 
Keller and Bill Olsen. A special note of thanks goes to Clara Stapp who 
did the front cover and the appropriate typing of Jenise Aboytes. 

A special note of thanks is to be extended to the Brook's for retyping 
the manuscript into a single-space format. As sometimes happens in this 
field the original double-space manuscript disappeared and no other print- 
able copies existed. The Brook's, at their own expense, gratiously had 
it re typed . 

I hope that in these days of constrained budgets that the reprinting 
and dissemination of Cultural Resource Reports will be further accomplished 
and encouraged by management and staff alike. 



Russell L. Kaldenberg 

Cultural Resource Program Manager 

Publications Coordinator 

California Desert District 



' 



7f 



AN ARCHAEOLOGICAL INVENTORY REPORT OF THE 

OWLSKEAD/AMARGOSA-MOJAVE BASIN 

PLANNING UNITS 

OF THE 

SOUTHERN CALIFORNIA DESERT AREA 



by 

Richard H. Brooks, Richard Wilson and Sheilagh Brook; 
Archaeological Research Center 
UNLV Museum of Natural History 

with sections by 

Joseph King, Matthew McMackin, Margaret Miller 
Ralph Roske and Arnie Cunningham Turner 



Prepared for the 

UNITED STATES DEPARTMENT OF INTERIOR 
BUREAU OF LAND MANAGEMENT 

California Desert District 
1695 Spruce St. 
Riverside, CA 92507 
Contract No. YA-512-CT7-250 



October 1981 
First Printing 
Riverside, CA Library 



Bureau of Land Management 



,.. ,-, 



npnver Federal Center 



300 Copies DlH< 

BUREAU OF LAND MANAGEMENT LIBRARY 

', Colorado 




TABLE OF CONTENTS 

Section Page 

LIST OF MAPS AND TABLES ii 

ABSTRACT iv 

INTRODUCTION 1 

1. HISTORICAL BACKGROUND OF OWLS HEAD/ AMARGOSA- 

MOJAVE BASIN DESERT PLANNING UNIT 8 

Footnotes to Historical Background 42 

by Ralph Roske 

2. ETHNOGRAPHIC BACKGROUND 55 

by Arnie Cunningham Turner 

3. GEOGRAPHICAL AND GEOLOGICAL BACKGROUND 66 

by Matthew McMackin & Richard H. Brooks 

Spring and Well Log 80 

4. BIOTA OF THE AMARGOSA BASIN-MOJAVE DESERT. ... 93 

by Joseph King 

5. METHODOLOGY 100 

6. SAMPLE DESIGN, STAGES 1, 11, 111 107 

Stage 1 108 

Stage 11 115 

Stage 111 120 

by Margaret Miller 

7. SITE PREDICTABILITY BY TRANSECT LOCATION .... 132 

8. ARCHAEOLOGICAL SITE INTERPRETATIONS 147 

BIBLIOGRAPHY 164 



M*T^" 



Petroglyph from Mesquite Springs in the Mojave 
Basin Placing Unit near Baker, CA. 



11 



MAP 


1: 


MAP 


2: 


MAP 


3: 


MAP 


4: 


MAP 


5: 


MAP 


6: 


MAP 


7: 


MAP 


8: 


MAP 


9: 


MAP 


10 



TABLE 1: 
TABLE 2: 

TABLE 3: 

TABLE 3a: 

TABLE 4: 

TABLE 5: 
TABLE 5a: 

TABLE 6: 

TABLE 7: 



LIST OF MAPS AND TABLES 

Page 

Survey Area 2 

Survey Area 3 

Key Map to Topographic Area 4 

Pluvial Lakes and Glaciers within 

the Great Basin 72 

Owens-to-Death Valley System of 

Pluvial Lakes 73 

Lakes and Playas in Southeastern 

California 74 

Stages I - III 138 

Stage I 139 

Stage II 140 

Stage III 141 

Private Lands 103 

Section, Transect, Geomorphic Unit 

for Stage I Ill 

Site Types by Geomorphic Locale 

for Stage I 112 

Ratios of Site by Geomorphic Unit 

for Stage I 112 

Site Ratios by Geomorphic Unit for 

Stage I 114 

Geomorphic Distribution for Stage II ... -Q7 

Section, Transect, Geomorphic Unit 

for Stage II hq 

Comparison Between Percentage Geomorphic 

Units Surveyed for Stage I and Stage II . 119 

Site Distribution Across Geomorphic 

Units Between Stage I and II 121 



TABLE 


8: 


TABLE 


9: 


TABLE 


10 


TABLE 


11 


TABLE 


12 


TABLE 


13 


TABLE 


14 


TABLE 


15 


TABLE 


16 


TABLE 


17 


TABLE 


18 


TABLE 


19 



111 

LIST OF MAPS AND TABLES 
(cont . ) 

Page 

Prehistoric Sites for Stage 1 and 11 ... . 122 

Section, Transect, Geomorphic Unit 

for Stage 111 123 

Ratio of Sample Sites for Stages 1, 

11 and 111 125 

Geomorphic Distribution for Stage 111 
and Geomorphic Distribution 
for All Stages 126 

Historic and Prehistoric Site 

Distribution for Stage 111 127 

Historic Sites for All Stages 129 

Prehistoric Sites for All Stages 130 

Concordance for Historic and 

Prehistoric Sites 134 

Concordance for Prehistoric Sites Only . . . 135 

Concordance for Historic Sites Only .... 136 

Site Types Geomorphological Locale 152 

Frequency of Site Types to 

Geomorphological Locale 160 




HTT\ <T) 

rmnT 



Various petro?rlynh elements from Mesquite Springs 



ABSTRACT 

This project is part of a series of studies being done 
in the California Desert by the Bureau of Land Management. 
The area inventoried is 1% of approximately one million acres, 
or 10,8 80 acres located in the southern half of the Owlshead/ 
Amargosa Planning Unit and the Mojave Basin Planning Unit. To 
survey the project area at the 1% amount, a minimum requirement 
of 136 one mile long by one-eighth mile wide transects were 
walked. Twelve additional transects were surveyed to provide 
corroborative data for certain key areas. 

The sample design was divided into three stages; the first 
completely random in transect selection, the second 
pragmatically random and the third non-random. To interrelate 
the environmental variables, six geomorphic strata, or locales, 
were designated, consisting of mountain/hill, pediment/arroyo, 
playa, dune, Mojave Sink and lava. A total of 151 historic 
and prehistoric sites was encountered during the survey. 

As the background for understanding the site distribution 
patterns and the resource potentials of the project area, 
sections are included concerning the history, geography/ 
geomorphology, biota, and ethnography. 

Each site encountered is briefly described as to content 
and locale and evaluated. The frequencies of site occurrence 
by position of the transects within the six geomorphic strata 
are considered with the implications of the results of this 
data for site prediction. Site distribution and frequencies 
are also discussed in relation to geomorphic locale and to 
site type, historic or prehistoric. Geomorphic locale is 
shown to be more predictive of site distribution than the 
geomorphic stratum of the transects. 




Petroglyph element from Rogers' M-36 at Saratoga Springs 



INTRODUCTION 

This report consists of a cultural resource inventory 
(Class II) for the southern Owlshead/Amargosa and Mojave 
Basin Planning Unit, within the California Desert. These 
planning units cover approximately one million acres in the 
east-central part of the California Desert, within San 
Bernardino County, California. "The Mohave Basin unit is 
bounded on the east by the Bristol Mountains and an area 
slightly east of Soda Lake, on the north by Interstate 15, 
the Soda Mountains and Camp Irwin Military Reservation on 
the west by the Cady Mountains, and on the south by the 
Twenty-Nine Palms Marine Corps Training Center. The southern 
half of the Owlshead/Amargosa Planning Unit is bounded on the 
north by an east-west line from the Avawatz Mountains (at the 
northeast corner of Camp Irwin Military Reservation) to the 
Silurian Hills, on the west by the Camp Irwin Military 
Reservation, on the south by the Soda Mountains and Interstate 
15 and on the east by a line three miles east of Silver Lake 
north of the Silurian Hills and Valjean Valley" (BLM, 1977:26), 

Following the detailed instructions itemized in BLM 
YA-512-RFP7-120 a bid proposal was submitted to the Bureau of 
Land Management Office (BLM) in Denver, Colorado, by the 
Archaeological Research Center, Museum of Natural History, 
University of Nevada, Las Vegas (UNLV) , Nevada. On acceptance 
of the proposal, Project and Contract Number YA-512-CT7-250 
was issued by the BLM to the Research Center. Eric Ritter, 
archaeologist in charge of the BLM Desert Planning Unit, 
Riverside, California, is the COAR on this project. 

The project was divided into four interrelated parts, 
which were 1) the sampling design development; 2) the field 
implementation, including ground coverage, site analysis and 
recording; 3) site evaluation based on surface observations 
in the field; 4) the analysis of the data in the laboratory 
leading to the preparation of a Class II inventory report. 
All four parts of the project were undertaken by Research 
Center personnel or qualified consultants who cooperated in 
their field of expertise. 

Personnel 

The project was directed in the field and during the 
laboratory analysis by Richard H. Brooks, Director of the 
Archaeological Research Center and the Museum of Natural 
History, UNLV. Field crew personnel who participated in no 
other aspect of the project than surveying transects were 
Lynda Brennan, Martin E. Bussard, Robert Ellis, David 
Ferraro, James Foley, Carol A. Hepp, Michael Plyler and 
Grant Tullis. Surveying of the transects was considered to 
include preparation of field notes, field maps, site records 
and the identification of photographs taken of transects or 
sites. 



CALIFORNIA 



DESERT 



SHADED AREA DEPICTS MOJAVE 
BASIN AND SOUTHERN HALF OF 
OWLSHEAD/AMARGOSA PLANNING 
UNITS. 

MAP 1 




f- — a e x i 




Victorville 



U.S.M.C. 

L, Training Center t 
n . 1 



18 miles 



J 



Twenty-nine Palms 



Map 2 

Shaded area depicts the Mojave Basin and the southern half 
of the Owlshead/Amargosa Planning Units. 



MAP No. 3 



DEATH VALLEY 



Southern Half 
Owl shead/ Amargo s a 
Planning Unit 




Mojave Basin 
Planning: Unit 



Showing Quadrangle location with respect to the southern half of the 
Owlshead/Amargosa-Mojave Basin Planning Unit. 



Personnel who participated in both the field survey and 
some aspect of the laboratory analysis included Joseph P. 
King, ethno-botanist, Matthew McMackin, cartographer-geologist 
Cary M. Stevens, photographer, and Richard A. Wilson, field 
and technical supervisor. 

Arnie Cunningham Turner worked on the project in the 
laboratory and researched the ethno-history; Dr. Ralph Roske, 
History Department, UNLV, researched and wrote the historical 
section; and Margaret Miller, archaeological statistician, 
Nevada Archaeological Survey, University of Nevada, Reno, 
prepared the sampling design and conducted the statistical 
analysis. 

Pattie Baldwin, Management Assistant II, Archaeological 
Research Center, assisted in the preparation of all budgetary 
matters, maintained all personnel records and served as the 
Research Center liaison person. Dr. Sheilagh Brooks, 
Anthropology Department, UNLV, edited the Class II inventory 
report. 

In response to a supplement to the contract, provision 
was made by the Research Center to employ a Native American 
during the final phases of the survey. After consultation 
with the secretary of the Moapa Indian Reservation, a young 
man, who is a Paiute Indian, was suggested by the secretary 
as a potential employee. When the project was explained to 
Henry Gary, he accepted the job of Native American field 
consultant, and agreed to accompany the Research Center 
personnel in the field during the final phase of the survey. 
Gary spent a total of ten days in the field with the survey 
crews, conducting research in the areas of Ludlow, Mojave 
Sink, and East and West Cronese Lakes. During this time he 
participated in the survey, he walked transects with two 
different groups of crew personnel, Wilson and Hepp, and 
later with Bussard and Tullis. While in the field, Gary 
walked transects with each group, observing and recording the 
flora, fauna and archaeological sites. 

Gary had the capability to identify archaeological sites 
and was familiar with the prehistoric artifacts, tools and 
assemblages within the sites. His father and he, when he was 
younger, had located prehistoric sites in the vicinity of the 
Moapa Reservation. His father had indicated the artifacts 
and other identifying site material to him, and told him how 
to recognize these types of data. Gary discussed with crew 
members his impression that, as both a Native American and 
a crew member, he could understand and provide insight into 
the background of the aboriginal peoples who had left these 
prehistoric remnants of their cultural past. 

Contacts with the COA R 

On October 16, 1977, the initial contact was made with 



Eric Ritter, the COAR, at the Riverside Office of the BLM, 
where the Desert Planning Unit was then located. R. H. 
Brooks and P. Baldwin, accompanied by S. T. Brooks, met with 
E. Ritter, Richard Brook and other members of the Desert 
Planning Unit staff, to discuss the approach to be utilized 
in conducting the survey project in concurrence with the 
contract agreements. Subsequently, on January 3, 1978, E. 
Ritter and R. Brook met in Las Vegas with R. H. Brooks, R. 
Wilson, D. Ferraro and M. Miller, who had flown from Reno for 
this consultation. At this meeting the initial transects for 
the first stage of the survey were randomly selected, and it 
was determined that the field portion of the project would 
consist of three stages. The statistical methods that M. 
Miller proposed to utilize for the analysis of the transect 
survey were discussed with E. Ritter and R. Brook and 
clarified at this time. 

R. H. Brooks and R. Wilson spent from February 1 through 
February 3, 1978, at the Desert Planning Unit Office in 
Riverside, gathering the background data available there on 
the project area, including known sites, water, vegetation, 
geology, etc. At this meeting, E. Ritter suggested that the 
ZZYZX Research Center could be used as a base of field 
operation during the survey of transects in that area. 
Through his assistance permission was obtained for field 
crews to stay at the ZZYZX Research Center when working in 
that vicinity. 

Twice during the spring field sessions, when the crew 
was surveying transects in the northern portion of the 
project area, E. Ritter met the crew in the field. The 
first time, in the middle of February, was to demonstrate 
to the field personnel the method in which the transects 
should be established, surveyed, and familiarized them with 
the BLM site recording forms. The second field meeting was 
a recheck to see if problems had arisen in the interim. 

Dr. Roske made prior telephone contact with the Desert 
Planning Unit, then during the summer visited their office 
to review the historical information available. This was 
part of a trip that he made into southern California to 
conduct historical research at various libraries which house 
documents relevant to the project area. 

Through Jerry Gates, caretaker at the ZZYZX Research 
Center, information was obtained on access roads, potential 
site areas and historic data regarding the immediate area. 

Report Organization 

For this inventory report, several specialists 
participated as consultants to provide background data that 
could be utilized for the interpretation and understanding 
of the location or distribution of historic and prehistoric 
sites. These background data include the sections on 



history, geography and geomorphology, biota and ethnography. 
The bibliographic references consulted in the preparation 
of these sections are listed in the bibliography under the 
respective section title. The historic section bibliographic 
reference also includes footnotes for more specific 
referencing that were provided by Roske. The remainder of 
the bibliography contains all the bibliographic references 
utilized in the sections prepared by the Research Center 
staff, which is the body of this report, and one reference 
from the Appendices. 

Section 6 contains the sampling design, the three stages 
of the design and their results. Two of these, Stage 1 and 
Stage 2, as well as the sampling design were previously 
submitted to the COAR. In the initial analysis Miller used 
transect records from Stage 1, and where unworked flakes 
were noted she considered this as evidence of a site. 
Consequently, Miller has listed in her conclusions a total 
of 166 historic and prehistoric sites, since she considered 
isolated unworked flakes cultural evidence of prehistoric 
activity. In the discussion of site occurrence by transect, 
isolate sites are used as a concordance factor, as well as 
in the correlations of the site frequency by geomorphic locale 
(p.l32ff.) none of the isolated sites are considered in the 
other analyses. 

The authors wish to thank Clinton E. Stay, Sr. and 
Evelyn Stay Moden of Las Vegas, Nevada for funding the typing 
of this manuscript for publication through a private donation. 




Typical topography of the Owlshead/Amargosa Planning\units . 
This view is from the northern Avawatz Mountains lookrng into 
Death Valley to the east. Photo by Russell L. Kaldenberg, 
July 1980. 



SECTION 1 

HISTORICAL BACKGROUND OF OWLSHEAD/AMARGOSA-MOJAVE 
BASIN DESERT PLANNING UNITS 



For hundreds of years, before the first European 
contact, there existed a network of trails that linked 
waterholes in the western end of the Mojave Desert. The 
Indian commercial traffic passed through the various Mohave 
settlements of the eastern desert. This relatively 
waterless desert crossing evolved into two main routes: one 
by way of Pah Ute Creek and Rock Spring to Soda Springs, 
that in contact times became known as the Mohave Trail. The 
other route, the "Pah-Ute" route, ran south of the first 
trail through Foshay Pass and then to the north of the Kelso 
Dunes, where it joined the flood plain of the Mojave River 
about Soda Lake's southeast corner. 

The Mohave trail spanned 270 miles between Needles and 
Los Angeles Mission San Gabriel. Colorado River Indians, 
particularly the Mohave, used the route named for them in 
pre-contact times as a trading trail across the territory 
of the Chemehuevi to the southern California coast. This 
network of the Mohave permitted them to trade for baskets 
with many groups; allowed them to get steatite from the 
far-off coastal Chumash; to obtain chicken hawk and eagle 
down from Chemehuevi; and rabbit skin blankets were 
bartered from the Paiutes. For their part in the trade the 
Mohave principally bartered for pottery, beadwork, and 
gourds. With the introduction of the horse by the Spaniards 
in the sixteenth century, the Mohaves became notable horse 
traders and thieves, driving horses east and west over the 
Mohave Trail to eager Indian purchasers. The original 
Mohave Trail became in the nineteenth century (with 
variations) , the Fort Mohave Government Road. 

The prehistorical trails had considerable impact upon 
the events of the historical period, and as a result a look 
at the route and its commerce is in order. 

Explorers 

The initial Spanish entrada occurred far to the south 
of the study area in the region of the Yuma crossing. In 
January, 1774, the Spaniards, hoping to create a land link 
between the struggling California settlements and the older, 
established cities and towns of Mexico, sent Captain Juan 
Bautista de Anza on an expedition accompanied by Father 
Francisco Tomas Hermenegildo Garces, who served as a guide. 2 

The trek of Garces and Anza in the fall of 1775 had a 
more immediate impact for the planning units area. This 



party consisted of California-bound settlers, except for 
Anza's military escort and the Franciscan missionaries, a 
total of 240 persons. Garces again served as guide for the 
party to Yuma, where the priest accompanied by Indian 
companions left the main group. Garces and his companions 
traveled north from the Yuma crossing on the Colorado River, 
reaching the main Mohave villages in the Needles area. 
Garces left there for the west guided by experienced Indian 
travelers. While the major Mohave trail may have been 
located south of the route he then took, it seems likely 
the guides used it because the northern variant afforded 
better water and pasturage. 

To the best of existing documentary knowledge, Garces 
crossed Paiute Wash, now the site of the Klinefelter 
Springs, traversed Foshay Pass in the Providence Mountains, 
skirted the Kelso Dunes near modern Flynn, to a spot on the 
western shore of dry Soda Lake near Soda Springs. From 
Soda Springs, Garces became the first known European to 
travel the Mohave Trail. It paralleled the Mojave River 
from the Cady Mountains southwesterly to the southern edge 
of the Calico Mountains, passing near modern Yermo and 
Barstow. Garces followed the Mojave River along its 
southern course to the foothills of the San Bernardino 
Mountains, where he followed Sawpit Canyon to the summit. 
He was able to descend the range's northern slope by a ridge 
to the west of Devil Canyon, and went on to San Gabriel 
Mission. 

After resting and obtaining fresh supplies, together 
with Indian guides Garces began the return part of his 
trip. Leaving through Cajon Pass his party followed 
essentially the Mohave Trail to Yermo and then retraced 
its steps to Soda Lake. 

There Garces altered his course to a more northern 
route that brought him to Indian Creek, Willow Wash and to 
Marl Springs. Then Garces went to Kelso Wash and the Mid 
Hills, continuing across Lanfair Valley to Paiute Creek. 
At Paiute Creek Garces turned north-northeast along the 
creek to Klinefelter Spring, where he rejoined his previous 
westward track. He left California north of Needles upon 
his way to Tubac in Arizona. 3 

Because of the hostile incursion of the Mohave Indians 
into coastal California, late in 1819 Spanish Lieutenant 
Gabriel Moraga led a military force to fight them. His 
force descended the Mojave River and then proceeded eastward 
into the waterless desert. He went a full days travel 
beyond Soda Lake (the Mojave Sink) before turning back 
because he had run dangerously low on food and water. 4 

Between 1826-1831, American Mountain men, fur trappers, 
traveled through the study area many times. The first of 



10 

these was Jedediah Smith who established a trail between 
Needles and Los Angeles. Seeking both furs and new trade 
opportunities, Smith and a party left northern Utah in the 
summer of 1826, and traveling through southern Utah, Nevada 
and northern Arizona reached the east bank of the Colorado 
near the present locale of Needles. Engaging two Indians 
to guide his party, Smith went westward along the long 
traveled Mohave Trail, stopping the first night (November 
10) at Paiute Spring after crossing the edge of the Dead 
Mountains. The second night (November 11) he stopped at 
Vontrigger Spring. Then, he and his party moved west and 
a little north, camping in the Providence Mountains at a 
spring which has never been conclusively identified on 
November 12. The next days trek (November 13) was 
relatively short and led across Kelso Wash to Marl Springs. 
The party marched between Kelso Peak and Old Dad Mountains 
to Soda Lake's northern edge by the night of November 14. 
Then, having discovered the Mojave *s mouth, the group 
pressed up what Smith would dub the "Inconstant River" to 
the usual camping spot beyond Soda Lake, about the present 
site of Afton. On the night of the 15th Smith's party 
stayed with the Mojave River, eventually reaching the site 
of Victorville. Apparently Smith did not use Cajon Pass 
in 1826, but ascended Sawpit Canyon and traversed Devil's 
Canyon, and then San Bernardino Valley. He pushed on, 
eventually reaching San Gabriel Mission. His party's 
reception by the Mexicans was hostile. After suffering a 
brief imprisonment he returned to the fur trappers rendevous 
by way of central California and central Nevada, far to the 
north of the study area, in mid-June, 182 7. 5 

Undaunted, Smith planned a new foray and, taking much 
the same route as the year before, came down the Colorado 
River to the Needles area in the summer of 1827. In 1827 
the Mohaves became hostile and turned on Smith while his 
party was crossing the Colorado River, killing ten of his 
men. Smith had not known it, but a trapping party under 
mountain man James Ohio Pattie had, between Smith's two 
visits, entered the area and wantonly killed one of the 
Mohave chiefs. The Indians retaliated against Smith. 
Losing much of his supplies and equipment, Smith and eight 
survivors successfully fought off the Indians and plunged 
on foot into the Mojave Desert. This time Smith had no 
Indian guides, but he drew upon his experiences the year 
before to survive. In 1827 his trip was much more hurried, 
as he in just nine and a half days, on foot, covered the 
distance between the Colorado and San Bernardino, which 
had taken him fifteen days on horseback the year before. 
His first camp was located at the same place as the year 
before, Paiute Spring. This time Smith took a more 
northerly track after leaving this waterhole. He found 
his way to Rock Spring, covering in two days nearly the 
distance of three days travel in 1826. From Rock Spring 
he led his party west to Marl Springs where he had 



11 

previously camped in 1826. Then, heading south and west, he 
passed below Kelso Peak and into the Devil's Playground 
reaching the north edge of Soda Lake where he made his fourth 
camp. Recognizing his former track he went west to the Afton 
area near Cave Mountain. Then he followed the trail of his 
previous trip up the Mojave River. Departing from his 
previous track, he used Cajon Pass, which he called the "Gape 
of the Mountains," to travel into coastal California. Smith 
had renewed interest in the Mohave Trail for non-Indian 
travel, which had originally been sparked by Garces in the 
1770s. 6 

In the years immediately after Jedediah Smith's visit, 
there was a steady stream of other Americans to California 
by way of the Mohave Indian Trail. Some of them stayed in 
California and married into prominent California families; 
others returned east to spread descriptions of California. 
Among these early American Mojave Desert travelers was 
George C. Yount and William Wolfskin, Ewing Young and Kit 
Carson. 7 

Although the Spaniards had been interested in linking 
their New Mexico colonies with the California settlements, 
they never did so. After Mexico succeeded Spain as the 
claimant of the Southwest with the coming of Mexican 
independence in 1822, the link to California was finally 
accomplished by merchant Antonio Armijo in 1829-1830. 
Armijo traveled a most roundabout route. Because of 
northern Arizona's rough country and the more dangerous 
Arizona Indians, the Armijo expedition headed northwest 
from New Mexico into central and then southern Utah and 
southern Nevada. Then they descended the Colorado River 
to the Needles area and turned west following the tracks of 
Garces and Smith to the Los Angeles region. 

Although it is certain that Armijo did not take the 
route of the old Spanish Trail through Las Vegas, Nevada, 
that northern route of the Mohave Trail has been accepted 
for years as the way later travelers from New Mexico 
normally went in the 1830s and 1840s. 8 Yet, in recent 
years, this conclusion has seriously been challenged by two 
historians, Elizabeth Warren^ a nd Dennis CasebierlO. 

The previously established version claimed that the 
trail veered from Utah, crossed the Virgin Route and then 
ran to Las Vegas. From there it proceeded to Cottonwood 
Springs, Mountain Springs, Resting Springs, and down the 
Amargosa River to Salt Springs, Bitter Springs and then 
over to the Mojave River. This northern route was the way 
John C. Fremont crossed the desert in 1844, and he highly 
publicized his track. Also, after 1848, the year America 
gained title to the Southwest, this road became the route 
of the Salt Lake to Los Angeles wagon way called the Mormon 
Trail. 



12 

According to Warren and Casebier this version of the 
old Spanish Trail remained in the 1830s and early 1840s a 
minor variant taken mostly by rustlers and bandits, rather 
than merchant caravans. These caravans may have journeyed 
south through southern Nevada, entering the area of modern 
California through a north-south valley, such as Pah-Ute 
Valley. The caravans could have followed Smith and Garces 1 
tracks, with minor variations, along the Mohave Indian trail 
to the Mojave River. H 

A New Mexican merchant, Francois X. Aubry, in late 1852 
and early 1853 drove sheep from New Mexico to California by 
way of Fort Yuma, on his return trip sought the best route 
for a trans-Pacific railroad. Leaving the San Francisco Bay 
area in June 1853, Aubry with 19 companions mounted on horses 
and mules reached Tejon Pass north of Los Angeles and then 
headed east. He followed the Mojave River for 38 miles 
before angling off to the northeast on a variant of the Old 
Spanish Trail. His notes are so imprecise that there is the 
possibility that he went through the northern edge of the 
study area. In late 1853 he repeated his sheep driving trip 
from New Mexico to California and, heading northeasterly 
from the Mojave River, returned by about the same route as 
before. In 1854, he tried to find a spot on the Colorado 
some 50 miles below his 1853 fording of the river, so he may 
have been south of his earlier (1853) track and within the 
northern edge of the study area. Unfortunately, before 
Aubry could better organize his sparse travel notes after 
his return, he was fatally stabbed in a brawl at Santa Fe.^-2 

Between Aubry 's two trips of 185 3 and 1854, the study 
area was entered from the west late in 1853 by a member of 
the army's topographical corps; Lieutenant Robert Stockton 
Williamson leading the expedition. He was accompanied by 
several scientists and other civilian employees, together 
with a small cavalry escort commanded by Lieutenant George 
Stoneman. The expedition's purpose was the discovery of 
the most practical railroad route through California. 

In early October, 1853, Williamson's party traveled 
southward from his explorations of Tejon Pass and the Canyon 
de las Uvas. Meanwhile, a sub-group under Lieutenant Parke 
traversed the San Fernando Pass and the San Gabriel and 
Santa Ana Valleys. By the middle of October the reunited 
parties made camp on the Mojave River. Williamson from 
this base dispatched Lieutenant Parke to follow the Mojave 
River to discover if there were a good pass at its end. He 
followed the river and beyond for one hundred miles. 
Williamson himself studied the course of the Mojave River 
as far as the place in the canyon where the road left the 
stream. Breaking into two sub-groups they moved westward 
outside the Mojave Desert. 13 

Also entering the study area in the late winter of 



13 



18 54, was another young topographical corps officer, 
Lieutenant Amiel Weeks Whipple, who led an expedition 
consisting of ten technicians, plus a military escort of 70 
men. This party left the Canadian River in modern Oklahoma 
and marched as far as Albuquerque, New Mexico, territory. 
From there the party moved west to the Colorado at Bill 
Williams Fork. Then Whipple's party turned north on the 
Colorado to Needles. There the expedition followed Smith 
and Garces 1 tracks (the Mohave Indian Trail) to the west as 
far as the Mojave River, Whipple giving what proved to be 
permanent names to several geographical features, including 
Soda Lake. This railroad surveying expedition followed the 
Mojave River as far as the wagon road to San Bernardino 
that branched off at Oro Grande to the southwest. 14 

The unofficial explorations of Aubry, and the two 
official expeditions of Williamson and Whipple, resulted in 
the accumulation of a large body of geographical information 
about railroad geography, but the area needed further 
scientific study before it would be ready for settlement. 
The federal General Land Office contracted with private firms, 
called deputy surveyors, to fix the township lines and to 
subdivide these townships. Contracts were let between 1854 
and 1856, with the actual field surveys being made from 1855 
to 1857. The surveyors wandered over the Mojave Desert 
setting their markers. The work was hastily, often poorly, 
done. As a result, their monuments and markers could often 
not be located later. 15 

By the late 1850s, American public interest turned to 
postal routes and wagon routes. Congress appropriated 
money to survey and to improve the Government Road or, as 
it also became known, the Thirty-Fifth Parallel route, 
between 1857 to 1860. The western portion of this road ran 
across the Mojave Desert through the study area. 

On June 1857, Edward F. Beale led an expedition from 
Texas with the purpose of surveying a wagon road to 
California and testing the usefulness of 25 camels on the 
American desert. After leaving El Paso they followed the 
earlier track of Lieutenant Whipple's route to the northwest. 
By mid-October 18 57 the party had reached the Colorado River 
fifteen miles north of the present city of Needles, Califor- 
nia, after surveying a wagon road from Fort Defiance. 
Unhappily, Beale did not record his track across the Mojave 
Desert to Fort Tejon. In his report he only said that he 
followed "the United States surveyor's trail from the river 
to Los Angeles." 

After spending only a few weeks in Los Angeles, on 
January 6, 1858, Beale took fourteen camels and twenty men 
over the return road in winter. He crossed the Mojave Desert, 
presumably over the trail of the same name, reaching the 
Colorado River in January, 1858. Here he happened to meet 



14 

Captain George Alonso Johnson who, with his steamer the 
General Jessup, had journeyed up river. Johnson ferried 
Beale's expedition safely across the river, and they 
moved on eastward. 

On October 28, 1858, Beale in a return trip headed 
west from Fort Smith, Arkansas. Running into cold weather 
he and his party wintered in New Mexico. In the late 
winter he again started west, reaching Albuquerque on March 
3, 1854. On April 18, 1859, Beale met a relief expedition 
with additional supplies near the modern city of Flagstaff, 
Arizona. Beale's party camped on the west bank of the 
Colorado River. His party spent two months improving the 
road through western Arizona. Finishing this task, by the 
early summer he marched his column over the familiar Mohave 
Indian Route, across the Mojave Desert to Fort Tejon in the 
Los Angeles area. Then Beale returned east, leaving on 
July 2, 1859, from the Los Angeles region, and twenty-seven 
days later reached Albuquerque. Thus Beale had conducted 
his surveys while also attempting an experiment in the use 
of camels on the American desert. 16 

Since Beale's work on the Government Road was well 
covered in the eastern newspapers, emigrants attempted to 
utilize the trail, only to be turned back by a Mohave attack 
in August, 1858. Also, a westbound mail route from Kansas 
City, Missouri to Stockton, California had its riders 
harassed by the Mohaves. 1 ' 

The Mohaves, together with their fellow riverine peoples 
the Kamia and Yuma, were the only California Indians to 
develop a tribal organization larger than a village. Steady 
pressure from the nomadic southwestern people forced the 
Mohave Indians to unite for protection. Also, this pressure 
fostered the development of warlike values in Mohave culture. 
The harsh desert environment also pushed the Mohaves to 
develop a limited type of agriculture. Because of these 
facts, the Mohave Indians are sometimes not regarded as one 
of the pacifistic groups of California Indians. 18 The 
Mohaves had been hostile to the white intruders at least as 
far back as 1827, when James Ohio Pattie ' s party had outraged 
them by killing one of their chiefs. 19 It seems unlikely 
that any agitation by the Mormons at the time of the 1857 
occupation of Utah by the federal army of Albert Sidney 
Johnston inspired the Mohave's warlike attitude. It may 
have been their desire to control and exploit American tra- 
velers, as they had the Spaniards and Mexicans. 20 

In December, 1858, Major William Hoffman with a 
company of dragoons rode from Los Angeles to the Colorado 
River to reconnoiter the country around Beale's crossing 
fifteen miles north of Needles. The exuberant Mohaves, 
flushed with success after repelling the emigrants, 
harassed the cavalry column. Then, on January 9, 1859, 



15 

the Indians forced a brief skirmish in which they lost about 
ten warriors. Hoffman prudently retreated to the Los 
Angeles area for reinforcements. Hoffman was reinforced by 
six companies of infantry. Two companies of infantry 
marched overland and rendezvoused with the rest of the 
expedition, who came by water to Fort Yuma. In April, 1859, 
the whole force, over seven hundred strong, marched north- 
ward. This force comprised about half the size of the 
entire Mohave nation. The Indians were so impressed by it 
that they surrendered. To hold the Mohaves in check, the 
troops built Fort Mohave on the eastern bank of the river. 
Two companies of infantry, and some artillery, garrisoned 
it. 21 As a result of the fort's establishment, the old 
Mohave Indian trail became a wagon road, crossing the Mojave 
Desert by way of the study area, hauling supplies from Los 
Angeles to the fortification. 22 The Mohave Road continued 
its importance until the railroad from Los Angeles by way 
of Daggett to Needles captured the passenger traffic in the 
1880s. Then the Mohave road lost travelers who preferred 
the railroad line. Water could always be procured from the 
railroad's water tanks. Also, traffic north or south could 
go from the railroad stations. 2 3 

The still important wagon route was protected in the 
late 1850s and early 1860s by a series of miliary outposts 
along its course. The army founded Camp Sugar Loaf (near 
Barstow) in 1858; Fort Beale in 1859; Camp Cady in 1860; 
Camp Marl in 1865; Camp Rock Spring in 1866 and Fort Soda 
in 1866. 24 

This fort building was sparked by an incident in the 
early 1860s along the Salt Lake Wagon Road, basically the 
Old Spanish Trail, when Indians whose identity was never 
discovered had killed three white men. The army sent an 
expedition led by Major James H. Carleton to punish the 
offending Indians, who were supposed to be Paiutes. 
Carleton 's dragoons passed through the study area, although 
his largest battle, Kelso Dunes, occurred outside the study 
area. Although Carleton' s foray was successful, it did not 
lessen Indian hostility. 25 Especially after the Civil War 
began, and the regular troops were withdrawn to the east, 
small parties of whites were regularly harassed by the 
Indians. 2 6 

As a result, in 1866-1868 when the Arizona overland 
mail was carried over the Government/Mohave Road, the army 
authorities established protecting relay forts, including 
one at the former outpost in the study area at Soda Springs. 
It was composed of rough and unelaborate stone structures. 
It was abandoned after a year's occupation, when the military 
imposed a peace on the Indians. 2 ' 

Mining 

By 1863 the mining phase of eastern San Bernardino 



16 

County's history had begun. Up to this time the American 
impact upon this area was small. Away from the principal 
roads and trails, and the scattered forts, life had gone on 
much as before white contact. 

In the 1860s mining dominated the area's economy, 
although this area's mines were isolated without railroad 
transportation. Yet indigent prospectors stimulated by the 
Nevada Comstock discovery of 1859 searched to find rich ores 
that they could sell to investors financially able to develop 
them. By the 1870s the pattern had shifted, and small 
operators tried unsuccessfully to compete with the larger 
corporations who had entered the field. The greatest problem 
throughout the period 1860-1880 was the area's isolation and 
the consequent high cost of transportation. 2 & 

Rock Springs Mining District 

The first mining occurred in the desert east of the 
Rock Springs Mining District, which experienced a burst of 
activity between 1863-1866. Small amounts of gold and 
silver were mined and sent to San Francisco mills. The ore 
mined was of the sample variety in an attempt to obtain 
financial backing for a more serious effort to mine. 29 

Clark Mining District 

Far to the east of the study area in the Clark Mining 
District located to the east of the Clark Mountains, Ivanpah 
(site I) became the center of this activity mining precious 
metals (gold) . Mining operations continued intermittently 
at this site until the 1930s. 30 

Calico District 

As a result, hopeful prospectors fanned out over the 
San Bernardino County desert lands, including the study 
area. This activity resulted in a silver strike as early 
as 1874 in the Calico District west of the study region. 31 
Indeed, during the ten years from 1863 to 1873 Wells Fargo 
Company alone shipped bullion worth $115,000 from San 
Bernardino. 32 

Avawatz District 

This strike led to mining activity in the study area 
as well. The Avawatz mountains, a high range in San 
Bernardino County, had a northern slope which was the site 
of one of the earliest gold mines in California, the 
Amargosa. This mine possessed a mill as early as 1856, 
but apparently the ore soon played out. Busy prospectors 
in the late nineteenth century found native silver ore 
mixed with the gold. Soon arastras to crush the ore 
dotted the mountains landscape. Ultimate success eluded 



17 

those mines, because the deposits proved to be superficial . ^3 

Palms Mining District 

Far to the south of the study area mining activity also 
began. The water available at Twenty-Nine Palms caused it 
to become a mining base camp for the Palms Mining District. 
Early in 1873 several mines were filed on likely-looking 
lodes. The most productive and largest mine in the district 
was J. Voshay's Blue Jay, located at Township 2N, Range 9E, 
of the San Bernardino baseline and meridian. Nonetheless, 
all these early claims soon played out, and the Palm District 
grew quiet. 34 

In the 1880s, when the Santa Fe Railroad was constructed 
through the Mojave Desert, its previous isolation vanished. 
The railroad managers quickly realized the need to complement 
their cross country traffic with local freight and passenger 
business. This realization meant encouraging mining in the 
lightly populated desert areas. A wagon road was built 
parallel to the railroad tracks, and at stations supplies 
and water were made available to prospectors. 35 

As a result of this stimulus, on the western edge of the 
study area about 35 miles northeast of Daggett, the Alvord 
District was created in 1885 located in Sections 1, 2, and 12, 
Township UN, Range 3E, San Bernardino meridian. -^ The 
Alvord mine had been active periodically from 1885 to 1870. 

Similarly, in the Twenty-Nine Palms area mining activity 
increased after 1883. Lew Curtis, a prospector, discovered 
placer gold in the high ground to the east. Another miner, 
John Burt, had successful diggings on the shores of a dry 
lake which bore his name. This lake was later called Dale. 
Particularly, in the north end of the Pinto Basin, dry placer 
mining was employed to separate gold from the caliche. A 
dry lake nearly 15 miles east of Twenty-Nine Palms and 
approximately 6 miles north of the dry placer diggings became 
the scene of an arastra, which was built because a well could 
be dug there. The arastra milled the districts ore. A town 
named Virginia Dale sprang up there. The origin of the 
settlements name is unknown. 

The first large mine in the district was located on the 
west slope of Black Mountains. Although the ore was only 
medium or low grade, in 1885 two prospectors filed claims 
for a mine called Virginia Dale called after the town. In 
time the Virginia Dale consisted of 6 claims, at an elevation 
of 2000 ft. The original two prospectors, Johnny Wilson and 
Tom Lyons formed the Virginia Dale Mining Company. At first 
results were disappointing, and so in 1889 operations ceased. 
The original prospectors then sold out, and one owner after 
another bought in and quickly sold out. In 1923 a period of 
operation ended suddenly. In the 1930s the price of gold 



18 



permitted the use of improved milling machinery, and some 
activity resulted at the Virginia Dale. 

After the discovery of the Virginia Dale mine, it was 
not long before other mines were also operating in the area. 
This activity persisted, despite the fact that Dale was 
perhaps the most isolated of all the districts in southern 
California. The only wagon trail of any economic importance 
in the district was the route to the Colorado River, blazed 
by the old mountain men, and a miner with the improbable 
name of Pauline Weaver. For his own purpose he kept the 
trail a secret for a time. It is conjectured that the 
Morongo Indians showed it to him. The road ran up the 
Morongo Valley to Yucca Valley and then on to Twenty-Nine 
Palms. From there it passed through the site of the modern 
community of Rice, ending at the Colorado River opposite the 
mouth of Bill Williams River. Present day California 62 
follows much of this route. Also, during the time that Dale 
existed, there were three consecutive camp sites. For 
example, the Virginia Dale camp and mine were actually the 
second Dale townsite. The second camp lasted the longest, 
from about 1886 to 1917, when the restrictions of World War 
I aided in the demise of the second mining effort. 

South of the Virginia Dale mine was the claim called 
the Supply Mine. During the course of its operation this 
claim produced millions in gold and caused one of the 
relocations of the Dale camp. It is located at Sections 21, 
22, 27, and 28, Township 18, Range 12E of the San Bernardino 
base and meridian. The claim had a sister claim, the OK or 
Storm King Consolidated, located at Section 35, Township IS, 
Range 12E on the San Bernardino baseline and meridian. No 
records exist to verify who discovered these claims. About 
1900 the two mines belonged to a corporation called Seal of 
Gold. This company built an excellent ten-stamp mill and 
a shaft to a depth of 600 ft. The Supply Mine, which had 
richer ore bodies, was not so well equipped, as it had only 
three two-stamp batteries in its refinery mill. From the 
edge of Dale Dry Lake water was piped to both holdings. 

Around 1908 the Seal of Gold partnership dissolved and 
litigation engulfed the new owners. In 1909 operations 
proceeded for a short time under court approved leases. The 
lawsuits were finally settled, and the United Greenwater 
combine took control in 1914. For three years, under all 
sorts of difficulties for the United Greenwater Company, 
the mine yielded almost one million dollars. One of the 
original Seal of Gold operators, H. A. Landwehr, then 
operated it, expanding the holdings. As late as 1931 
California's division of mines reported the Supply Mine to 
comprise some nine claims of patents at the height of 2300 
ft on Dale Hill's west slope. 37 

Operated without any close ties in the western district, 



19 



except for water supply, was the Brooklyn mine. It was 
located in Section 36, Township IS, Range IE, on the San 
Bernardino base and meridian. This gold containing vein was 
originally found in 1893. A corporation, the Brooklyn 
Mining Company, worked it from 1901 to 1918. Then its 
operations continued intermittantly between 1916 and 1930, 
together with an adjoining mine, the Los Angeles. Before 
1930 the Brooklyn output was $150,000. During the 1930s, 
after a break in operations for the worst of the depression, 
the output of both mines was worth only $13, 000. 38 

Halloran Springs District 

In the 1890s the Halloran Springs District, 12 miles to 
the northeast of Baker, was prospected for gold. The 
prospectors found ancient artifacts there, which indicated 
that turquoise had been mined in this area in prehistoric 
times. The best producer of the district was the Telegraph 
Mine, which was not found until 1930. This mine is located 
in Sections 16, 17, and 20, Township 15N, Range HE of San 
Bernardino base and meridian. Its total output to 1952 
approximated $100, 000. 39 

Old Dad Mining District 

On the eastern edge of the study district are the Old 
Dad Mountains, twelve miles east of Baker. Gold was 
discovered here in the 1890s. Later, there was considerable 
activity by the unemployed miners in the 1930s and 1940s. 
Some mining activity persisted down to 1970. Among the 
biggest producing mines was the Paymaster (Whitney) Mine. 
Its locations is Sections 22 and 23, Township 13N, Range 10E, 
of the San Bernardino base and meridian. In somewhat over 
fifty-two years, between 1900-1952, it yielded $50,000 to 
$100,000 in gold. By 1952 the working crew had dropped to 
three men.^O Another large producer was the Brannigan Mine, 
located at Sections 26 and 27, Township 13N, Range 10E, San 
Bernardino base and meridian. Claims were filed in the mine 
area as early as 1905, but shipments of ore were restricted 
to 1928-1935. In that period it yielded several thousand 
tons of gold ore. 41 Among other gold producers in this area 
is the Oro Fino, located at Sections 23, 26, Township 13N, 
Range 10E, of the San Bernardino base and meridian. This 
area prospered in the 18 90s, but the period of greatest activity 
was 1930-1945. 42 

Stedman/Rochester/Buckeye District 

One of the most important gold mining districts from 
the standpoint of sustained outside interest by investors 
is the Stedman, or as it also has been known, the Rochester 
or Buckeye District. This district lies in the north central 
part of San Bernardino County, eight miles south of Ludlow. 43 
In the 1880s this area became known as the Rochester district 



20 

because of an ore discovery by John Suter, an Atlantic 
Pacific (forerunner of the Santa Fe) roadmaster, who filed 
.claim to the area 8 miles south of Ludlow. The district's 
principal mine was located at Sections 7 and 8, Township 6N, 
Range 8E, San Bernardino base and meridian. 44 

The Bagdad-Chase 

This mine yielded more gold and copper than any other 
mine in San Bernardino County. Between 1904-1952 the mine 
produced more than $6,000,000, or over half the recorded gold 
mining, by value in the county since 1880. 45 

In 1900 John Suter & Co. developed the district. However, 
Suter became discouraged and sold out in early 1901 to 
prominent buyers associated with the ownership of the New York 
Central Railroad. These leading money men organized a new 
company, the Bagdad Mining and Milling Company, to exploit 
these holdings. As a result of lack of water at the site, 
the investors decided to use the milling facilities at Barstow. 
Related to this milling decision, they had to build a feeder 
railroad from the mine to the Santa Fe tracks at Ludlow, so 
the main railroad line could then deliver the ore to Barstow. 
In July, 1902, the Ludlow and Southern Railway was incorpor- 
ated, and a contract signed to build its tracks, 46 which ran 
after completion lh miles to Ludlow. 47 Meanwhile, the Bagdad 
Corporation filed many additional claims in the area. 48 

A mine near the Bagdad owned by John R. Gentry was also 
acquired. As a result, between 1902-1904, the Gentry, Bagdad, 
and the neighboring Roosevelt Mine were amalgamated and 
worked as one giant operation, the Bagdad-Chase Mining Company. 
Meanwhile, the feeder railroad was completed after eight 
months of sustained effort in early 1903 at a cost of $80, 000. 49 

Between 1904 to 1910 the mines yielded 150,000 tons of 
ore which was treated at Barstow. 50 From 1910 to 1916 the 
Pacific Mines Corporation operated the mines. By 1916 the 
leading investor John Hays Hammond withdrew, as he became 
interested in petroleum development. Declining yield at the 
Bagdad-Chase holding also caused investment interest to shift, 
and the property passed into the hands of receivers. 51 By 
1916 the Ludlow & Southern, because of declining traffic, 
ceased operations. By the summer of 1935 much of its track 
was taken up (See Railroad section for further details) . 
Between 1916-1932 sublease operators occasionally worked the 
mine without much success. 52 Then, in 19 38, a group of 
investors known as the D'aix Syndicate operated this mine 
for twelve months in 1938-1939, producing 850 tons of ore, 
averaging $980 per ton in gold. 53 Because of the money 
problems created by the outbreak of World War II these 
investors withdrew from the exploration of mines. Between 
1940-1954 various leasees worked the property, until the 
later date when all operations were shut down because of 



21 

rising costs and declining yield. 4 It was still closed 8 
years later in 1962.55 

Avawatz District (20th Century) 

In the north of the area, the Avawatz Mountain region 
saw a new burst of energy in the twentieth century, about 
1910, in the mine located in Section 26, Township 16N, Range 
6E, San Bernardino base and meridian. Avawatz Crown Mine 
properties were developed by a Los Angeles group of investors 
Their operations involved largely the surface deposits, 
although one shaft was sunk to a vein. In all, some 84 
ounces of silver was recovered. However, since the world 
price was only 42 cents an ounce, the mine did not v/arrant 
further exploitation of its resources. 

Alvin B. Carpenter, a Los Angeles mining engineer, was 
consulted by the owner corporation, Crown Company. He 
became so smitten with the mine's prospects that he took an 
option on it himself. In the latter part of 1917 a consider- 
able strike of lead-silver ore led to a rush of prospectors 
to the area. Yet it was difficult to raise large sums of 
mining capital because of World War I. Consequently, nothing 
further was accomplished at the mine site. In May 1919, the 
Avawatz Consolidated Mines took over the property from the 
former Crown Company. The Tonopah & Tidewater Railroad ran 
nearby, and the mine was linked to it by an eleven mile long 
wagon road. The high hopes of the Avawatz Consolidated 
investors in their lead-silver ore was never realized, 
although as late as 1943 Avawatz Consolidated Mines Company 
of Los Angeles purchased the property. 56 

In all, the peak of San Bernardino's precious metals 
mining ran from 1883 through 1888 and from 1901 to 1906, 
1913-1917, 1921-1928, 1934-1942. Also helpful to San 
Bernardino's economy was the mining of copper starting 1888- 
1900. Copper was important as a mining product in 1912, and 
then throughout the World War I period. It remained at a 
low level during the Great Depression, and even World War II 
stimulated its mining only mildly. 57 After World War II 
there continued to be some sporadic mining for construction 
and other industrial materials. For example, a prosaic 
material, such as cinders, was quarried from the Lava Flow 
area and cinder cones region located southeast of Baker. 58 

Mining in the study area, as in mining generally, is 
not entirely governed by rich veins and worthwhile ores, but 
is also the result of world demand based on existing 
economic conditions. Thus, prosperity or failure is less 
the result of miners efforts and more a result of the world 
economy. It is noteworthy that as recently as 1977 only 
711 persons were employed by mining enterprises in all of 
San Bernardino County. *9 



22 



Railroads 



Long before the United States took possession of the 
Pacific Coast region, it was already interested in a trans- 
continental railroad as a trade route to the Orient. 
Therefore, after the conclusion of the Mexican War, when 
the United States obtained California and the Southwest, 
interest in a Pacific railroad soared. 

The only seriously inhibiting factor was the controversy 
over which exact railroad routes was best. The two sections, 
the North and the South of the United States fast dividing in 
those pre-Civil War years, quarreled over the best route, 
considering that each placed its own sectional needs 
uppermost. 6 ^ The Thirty-Fifth Parallel Route for the railroad 
had its feasibility demonstrated in the 1850s by various 
explorers. Yet it remained unbuilt for two reasons. First, 
it ran through Mohave Indian country, and until those warlike 
Indians were subdued (as they were by Major Hoffman in 1859- 
1860) it could not be constructed. Second, after the Mohaves 
were conquered, the North and South had split too far apart 
to agree on any proposed route of the transcontinental 
railroad. 61 

Of the various railroad surveys, Lieutenant Whipple's 
was the most thorough study of the project area. Early in 
1854, with his survey party guided by Mohave Indians, he 
took a path that was a variant of the Mohave Trail. Since 
this trail crossed high, rugged mountains, it was clearly 
not the best line for a railroad. A railroad line built 
farther south could avoid the mountains, and so be 
constructed across level ground. 62 

After the Civil War closed, in 1868 a railroad surveyor, 
General William Jackson Palmer, in the employ of the eastern 
division of the Union Pacific Railroad, traveled a route 
through the Mojave Desert, avoiding the mountains and 
following a line approximately south of the Old Mohave Road. 
It ran from Needles to Daggett. A railroad was not 
immediately built as a result of Palmer's survey, but in 
1883 one was finished that substantially utilized his route, 
the Santa Fe Railroad of today. 63 

The Atlantic and Pacific Railroad 

The construction story of this line began when Congress 
chartered the Atlantic and Pacific Railroad on July 27, 1866. 
The line was designed to run from Springfield, Missouri, to 
the Pacific Ocean. Another section of the enabling act, 
however, authorized the Southern Pacific Railroad to build 
south from the San Francisco Bay area to meet the Atlantic 
and Pacific on the eastern border of California. The seeds 
of dissention were sown by this arrangement. 64 



23 

The A & P stalled about 327 miles from St. Louis while 
crossing the Indian territory (modern Oklahoma) . Adverse 
financial conditions forced a reorganization to a new 
company, the St. Louis and San Francisco Railroad Company. 
This new corporation acquired the existing track and franchise 
as well as the congressional land grants of the former 
company. The underfinanced new company was soon in trouble. 
The large investors of the Atchinson, Topeka & Santa Fe 
Railroad, which desperately wanted a California outlet, 
entered into negotiations with the financially troubled S.L. 
and S.F. Two complicated arrangements were concluded on 
January 31, 188 0. The first agreement split the A & P stock 
in half, giving the Santa Fe and the S.F. & S.L. equal 
holdings. With joint control assured, an agreement was 
negotiated between the two parent railroads and their joint 
subsidiary. The three agreed to build the western division 
of the Santa Fe from Isleta, near Albuquerque, to the Pacific 
Ocean. The S.L. & S.F. would provide the eastern terminus 
in St. Louis which the Santa Fe then lacked. °^ 

Work on the junction point, Isleta, was begun in earnest 
by the spring of 1880. By the end of 1881, 190 miles of 
track had been laid from Isleta to a point 360 miles from the 
California border. At that point work stalled because 
California financial interests obstructed the building of the 
Santa Fe to the west. 



66 



The California financial interests were obstructive, 
since the "Big-Four" owners of the Central Pacific Railroad 
(completed with a trans-continental connection in 1869) had 
insufficient business to earn a profit."' 

The Central Pacific had built down the then sparsely 
settled San Joaquin Valley. The Central Pacific, even after 
the company reorganized as the Southern Pacific, built its 
track through the Tehachapi Pass to Mohave and Los Angeles. ^ 8 
From those places it pushed to Yuma, Arizona, to meet the 
Texas & Pacific then building west from the Lone Star State. 
To its consternation, it found that the Texas & Pacific's 
construction had stalled deep in Texas. As a result, the 
management of the Southern Pacific built eastward, beyond 
El Paso, before it finally linked with the T & P. The noted 
financier, Jay Gould, controlling the T & P, drew up a close 
association with the S.P. by a new agreement. With the con- 
trol of both a northern and southern route, the S.P. did not 
want competition from the A & P. To forestall this dreaded 
competition the S.P. obtained seats on the S.L. & S.F. board 
of directors. In this position they made so much mischief 
that the Santa Fe could not build its line beyond Needles on 
the west bank of the Colorado River."" Meanwhile, to beat 
the Santa Fe, the S.P. began to build eastward from Mohave. 
The S.P. built so quickly that by the close of 18 82 its 
tracks stretched beyond Ludlow. At last, on April 19, 1883, 
the railroad reached Needles. Because of difficulties in 



24 

bridging the Colorado, the actual linking of the tracks of 
the S.P. and the Santa Fe did not happen until August, 
1883. 70 

Since the S.P. and A & P did not cooperate in their 
operations, passenger travel from California to Albuquerque 
through Needles was light. 71 Finding the situation 
intolerable the A & P planned to build its own line to the 
Pacific. At this time S.P. management had second thoughts. 
Therefore, both railroads signed an agreement to take effect 
on October 1, 1884. Under the terms of the agreement the 
A & P brought the S.P. track from Mohave to Needles. Then, 
for the first time, the A & P operated as a through line. 72 
Despite operational problems caused by steep grades, train 
wrecks and water problems, the A & P succeeded in reaching 
the major California ports by tying various short railroads 
together. On May, 1890, the Santa Fe succeeded in winning 
control of the S.L. & S.F., which also ended its problems 
of ascendency over the A & P. 73 

Yet the Santa Fe's troubles were far from over. The 
1893 depression forced the Santa Fe and its two satellite 
roads, the A & P and the S.L. & S.F. into receivership. 74 
After a welter of complicated legal maneuverings, the Santa 
Fe acquired the entire western division of the A & P, 
including the track from Albuquerque to Needles, in addition 
to the leased line of the S.P. between Needles and Mohave. 
Also, on the last day of June, 1897, the A & P ceased to 
exist and its property returned to the Santa Fe Pacific 
Railroad, a subsidiary company of the Santa Fe.75 on July 1, 
1902, the operations and title of the former A & P railroad 
were transferred to the parent company, the Santa Fe.76 
Finally, to tidy up the legal situation, on December 27, 1911 
the lease of the Mohave-Needles track was changed, and title 
to that property was transferred to the Santa Fe which turned 
it over to a subsidiary . 77 

The Santa Fe continued to have operating problems. The 
railroad bridge over the Colorado proved to be inadequate, 
but, with strengthening, lasted until 1945, when it was 
replaced by another span. The single-track Mojave Desert 
section of the railroad proved inadequate and was gradually 
double-tracked, which improvement was not completed until 
1923.78 Mining activities in the desert and through inter- 
continental traffic finally, in the age of desiel, brought 
relative prosperity to the Santa Fe.79 

Santa Fe Feeder Lines 

The Santa Fe had three feeder lines of interest to this 
study. Interestingly, these feeder lines had a symbiotic 
relationship with their client mines. The mines made the 
railroads financially solvent by carrying the ore from the 
mines, which in turn might never have been developed without 
the railroad. 



25 



Amboy-Saltus Railroad 

The first of three feeder lines of the Santa Fe is the 
Amboy-Saltus Railroad. Amboy was a station on the Santa Fe's 
main line, an equal distance between Needles and Barstow. It 
existed largely because a dry lake, Bristol, containing large 
deposits of gypsum and salt, lay to its south and east. 
Gypsum is used to make plaster of paris, wallboard and cement. 
It can also be employed to dress soil. 

As early as 1904 the Pacific Cement Plaster Company 
constructed a mill in Amboy. To feed this mill the Pacific 
Cement laid a 1% mile long narrow gauge track, mules were the 
motive power. In April, 1909, the mining property and 
railroad were purchased by the Consolidated Pacific Cement 
Plaster Company. About 1913 locomotives were substituted for 
mules, and the track relocated. The narrow gauge track was 
rebuilt in such a manner that it no longer ran straight south 
from Amboy, but rather it passed in a southeasterly direction, 
three miles to a new quarry site near Saltus. In 1916, a new 
mill was constructed near the middle of the short line, much 
closer to the gypsum deposits. The Santa Fe built a spur 
from its main line which, in February, 1917, was named Funston 
for the then recently deceased military hero, Frederick 
Funston. 

Although the original mill at Amboy was closed, the 
railroad continued. The railroad acquired a new function, 
acting as a commuter train carrying mill workers to and from 
their Amboy homes. In September, 1919, the Arden Plaster 
Company bought the Amboy properties. Although the track 
from Funston to Amboy was abandoned, the remainder of the 
line continued. In 1924 Funston and Bristol Lake operations 
were closed down. As a result the Funston plant was closed 
and the railroad tracks taken up. The tracks were used to 
build a l^s mile railway at Midland in Riverside County, where 
the Funston plant had been moved. 80 

Several companies staked claims to the Bristol Lake 
salt. The forerunner of the California Salt Company, the 
Capital Salt Company then operated a feeder railroad. Back 
in the 1880s Crystal Salt had operated a quarry at Danby 
Lake, southeast of Bristol Lake. At that time steam traction 
pulled wagonloads of salt to the A & P main line at Danby, 
thirty miles away. Most of the output was sent to Calico 
mills where it was used to reduce silver ores. 

Calico's decline caused Crystal's operations to decrease. 
Yet, in 1909, Crystal Salt continued to produce salt, and in 
1910 built a mill at Saltus on the Santa Fe main line and 
linked it to the lake bed by a narrow gauge railroad. The 
operation of this more elaborate property was not a financial 
success, and the Consumer's Salt Company took over control 
of the facilities. Trying to reach a financially sound basis, 



26 

Consumer's Salt built a new plant. In 1921 the facilities 
were leased to the California Rock Salt Company and 
production increased. In 1927 the California Rock Salt 
Company took title to its leased property. In 1950 the 
California Rock Salt Company shortened its name to 
California Salt Company. 

With the coming of the early 1920s workers lived in 
sheet-iron shacks — too hot in summer and too cool in winter. 
Saddle tank locomotives hauled the small salt cars. In the 
late 1920s the last saddle tank locomotive wore out, and 
gasoline engines drove the trains. 

During World War II a new plant was constructed at 
Saltus, causing the relocation of the Santa Fe's spur, as 
well as the narrow gauge track. Production grew because 
this quarry produced the salt for Basic Magnesium's plant 
at Henderson, Nevada. By the 1960s there were four Plymouth 
gasoline engines drawing trains of more than 20 cars of 
rock salt from quarry to mill over a track length of four 
miles. Production remained steady, and by the 1960s over 
two million tons of salt had been produced. 81 

Ludlow and Southern Railroad Company 

Much has been said in this report already about the 
Ludlow and Southern Railway in discussing the Rochester 
(Buckeye) mining district. It was the second feeder railway 
for the Santa Fe. 

This railroad was surveyed in May-July, 1902, and then 
was built after the contracts were let in July, 1902. 
Grading for the track was finished in November, 1902. By 
January-February 1903, ties arrived at the site of the 
railroad. By April, 1903, second hand rails were furnished 
by the Santa Fe. Track laying began in May and was finished 
over the lh mile length of the feeder railway. 

The railroad was constructed from the Bagdad-Chase mine 
to Ludlow. From there gold and copper ore was transported 
via the Santa Fe to reduction mills at Bar stow. Much of the 
rolling stock equipment of the Ludlow & Southern was second 
hand and obtained from the New York Central Railroad, through 
the financial ties between the directors of the two 
enterprises. Around 1910 the Tonopah & Tidewater (see later 
in this report) played a part in the L & S operations. In 
1916 when the eminent mining engineer, John Hays Hammond, 
withdrew from the Bagdad-Chase operation in favor of 
petroleum exploration, development lagged. As a result, 
passenger traffic lagged and so the L & S curtailed its 
passenger operations, ceasing to be a common carrier. 

In the latter part of 1932 while the railroad was 
inoperative, a disasterous fire in the engine house at 



27 



Rochester damaged the last operative locomotive. As a 
result, only a motor car ran over the tracks for some time. 
The railroad's tracks were laid in a gully, with the 
expectation of an occasional washout. But, in view of the 
lack of mining operations in 1932 when nearly a mile of 
track was destroyed by flood, it was never replaced. The 
entire track was taken up and sent to the Philippines. In 
1937 the inoperative locomotives were cut up for scrap; in 
1939 the last passenger coach was destroyed by fire. Thus, 
it is impossible to assign a definite date for the 
railroad's end. 81 

The Salt Lake Route (Union Pacific) 

Although it was too long and important to be considered 
a mere feeder road, the Salt Lake Route needs to be discussed 
before the last real feeder, the Tonopah and Tidewater, can 
be considered. The importance of the Salt Lake Route is 
shown when its passenger service, ended by the formation of 
Amtrack, was restored in the fall of 1979. It was the only 
passenger service to be started at that time by Amtrack. °2 

The Union Pacific had long desired to complete the last 
significant gap in inter-continental railroads from Salt 
Lake City to Los Angeles. 8 3 Through an amalgamation, a 
small subsidiary corporation, the Oregon Short Line, of the 
U.P. began to build from Milford, Utah by late 1889. The 
work went on throughout most of 1890, but only the grading 
and the tunnels were finished. When the track laying 
machine began to operate, the precarious financial condition 
of the parent corporation forced a halt to construction 
activities . 84 Then, because of the Panic of 1893, the Oregon 
Short Line was sheared from the Union Pacific and the latter 
went into bankruptcy . 85 In 1893, the U.P. emerged from its 
financial problems under a strong leader, E. H. Harrigan, 
who succeeded in returning the Oregon Short Line to the 
control of the Union Pacific. ° 

Then in 1898 the Utah and Pacific was incorporated. 
That railroad announced that it would complete a 75 mile 
segment of track from Milford to Uvada, Utah. Then the U.P. 
signed an agreement with the Oregon Short Line which 
stipulated that the U.P. could use the uncompleted Oregon 
Short Line grade in Nevada in exchange for some Utah and 
Pacific land. 

The U.P. began construction in the fall of 1898 and 
reached Uvada on the Utah-Nevada border. The U & P 
extended service into Nevada by July, 1899. From there the 
Oregon Short Line planned to build across the state of 
Nevada to California. 87 

Then William A. Clark, a copper king, entered the scene. 
He wished to construct his own line from Salt Lake City to 



28 



Los Angeles. Clark, in August, 1900, bought the California 
terminus of his proposed line, the Los Angeles Terminal 
Railroad. From the Utah end, he bought a "paper" railroad, 
the Utah & California. Clark used it as a vehicle for 
building his railroad by expanding its charter to build 
outside Utah. 88 i n March, 1901, Clark purchased the Lincoln 
County rights to the Old Oregon Short Line grade. Lincoln 
County had seized title to the grade because of non-payment 
of local taxes. Thereupon, Clark incorporated his own San 
Pedro, Los Angeles & Salt Lake Railroad to serve as a vehicle 
for his Nevada construction. The vital area for railroad 
construction was Clover Valley, of which both Harrigan and 
Clark had maps to bolster their contentions that each had 
correct title. 89 Taking the case to the federal government, 
in April, 1901 after a four day hearing, the commissioners 
of the U.S. Land Office in Carson City upheld the Clark 
claim. 90 Vowing never to be beaten, Harrigan appealed the 
case to the General Land Office in Washington and dispatched 
a force of workers to continue his possession of the disputed 
railroad grade. Clark also sent strong men to defend his 
claims. The result was several clashes between the 
contending groups. 91 

On appeal the General Land Office overruled the Carson 
City official's decision and awarded the disputed right-of- 
way to Harrigan. ^2 After further hand-to-hand fighting among 
the construction crews, a truce was patched up by mid-May, 
1901. The issue was then thrown into the courts and while 
they deliberated the Clark and Harrigan forces built a vital 
passage through Meadow Valley Wash in Nevada. Then, in 
September, 1901, both groups suspended work. Construction 
was halted for 19 months while negotiations continued behind 
the scenes. 93 

On July 9, 1902, a compromise agreement was negotiated. 
This resulted in a joint Harrigan-Clark ownership of the 
Salt Lake route. When construction resumed, the two tycoons 
decided not to extend the Salt Lake route to the Southern 
Pacific at Banning, California, but instead to connect with 
the Santa Fe at Daggett. This decision saved both time and 
money. 94 

All during 1904 the construction work proceeded slowly. 
Finally, two work crews, one from the north and the other 
from the south, joined rails near Jean on the afternoon of 
January 30, 1905. Much secondary work remained to be 
accomplished, and the railroad did not open for regular 
business until May 1, 1905. 95 

The Salt Lake Route had hardly been finished when in 
the summer of 1905 severe flooding occurred. Then flooding 
in 1906 closed the line for three weeks. The year 1907 was 



29 



worse. In February a flood wrecked the Meadow Valley Wash 
tracks. At the western end of the line, in the Mojave Desert 
between Otis and Daggett, the grade was completely washed out. 
It was mid-April, 1907 before railroad service was resumed. 96 

Then the Meadow Valley track was relaid an average of 
four feet higher than before to prevent new flood damage. 
On New Year's Eve, 1909, the track in Meadow Valley washed 
out again. Service was not reinstated until June, 1910. Nor 
did the western end of the line escape damage at that time. 
Landslides and washouts occurred at Canyon Pass and Afton. 
In Meadow Valley Wash the roadway was rebuilt on safer, 
higher ground. 9' 

By 1916 the operation was successful and the San Pedro, 
Los Angeles & Salt Lake abbreviated its name to Los Angeles 
& Salt Lake. In 1921 William A. Clark sold his half interest 
to the U.P.98 The U.P. made the route even more financially 
successful when a spur line to Boulder Dam was built in 1930- 
1931. This spur carried heavy building materials and supplies?^ 

The Salt Lake route prospered during World War II and 
centralized traffic control was introduced in 1942 at Daggett. 
This control system was expanded the entire way to Salt Lake 
City by 1948.100 The route's passenger traffic was ended in 
1971 by Amtrack, but was restored in late October, 1979. 

Tonopah & Tidewater 

A Santa Fe feeder railroad running during its operation 
over the entire north-south length of the study area was the 
Tohopah & Tidewater. This railroad tapped the borax region 
of California. Borax was more prosaic stuff than gold, but 
often proved to be lucrative. 101 This area also probably 
contained the famed lost gold mine of Jacob Breyfogle, a 
befuddled prospector who could never again find his original 
strike. 102 

Among the first to mine borax in the region north of the 
study area was the one-time San Francisco vigilante, William 
Tell Coleman. He developed the Harmony Borax Works, mining 
the borax while 20-mule-teams carried the product to the 
station of Mohave on the Southern Pacific Railroad. In 1888 
Coleman sustained financial reverses and his borax properties 
were taken over by Francis Marion "Borax" Smith, a veteran 
borax extractor. In 18 72 Smith had discovered borax at Teel's 
Marsh near Candelaria, Nevada. When Coleman had financial 
difficulties, Smith acquired his holdings, the Lila C. Mine 
in Death Valley and the mines at Borate. Smith next combined 
all his properties to form the Pacific Coast Borax Company. 
In 1899 this company became an international corporation 
with headquarters in London and became known as Borax 
Consolidated, Limited. i03 



30 



As the Teel's Marsh ores became exhausted, Smith 
concentrated upon his borate holdings. After 1900 the borate 
ores also became depleted. As a result, Smith exploited the 
most desolate part of the desert to operate the Lila C. Mine, 
100 miles from the nearest railroad. The wagon road between 
the railroad and the mine was so rough that Smith decided to 
build his own railroad. The silver and gold discoveries at 
Tonopah in 1900 and Goldf ield in 1902 helped to make up Smith's 
mind concerning the need for a railroad in this region. 
Eventually, after looking at other routes, Smith decided to 
select the old wagon road as the railroads basis. The 
important focal point of the railroad to Smith was the Lila 
C. Mine, and not the mining centers of Tonopah and Goldf ield, 
despite the railroads name.-'-^ 

In 1905 Smith selected Las Vegas, Nevada, as his 
railroad's terminal, since that place was a division point 
on Clark's San Pedro, Los Angeles & Salt Lake Railroad. Work 
began on May 29, 1905, and construction crews quickly moved 
out for nine miles. Then to his dismay, Smith found that 
Clark had changed his mind about cooperating with him. 105 
Smith, therefore, decided to build north from Ludlow, 
abandoning Las Vegas as a base. The Santa Fe Railroad 
proved willing to cooperate with Smith. A construction 
workers tent city was built at Ludlow, and work on the grade 
northward began. 106 

On the new route Smith had to build 16 7 miles to reach 
Tonopah and Goldfield instead of the 118 miles that he 
originally planned. This longer distance delayed the 
building of the railroad. Eventually Smith decided that a 
branch line to the Lila C. Mine was enough and that his 
railroads main route should run through Goldfield. As a 
result, on November 19, 1905, work north from Ludlow 
commenced. The track was laid downward on the valley floor 
for the next 50 miles to Silver Lake. On the route north 
the T & T crossed over the Salt Lake Route at Crucero. 
There, as a symbol of their non-cooperation, the railroads 
each maintained separate stations, and did not run connecting 
trains. 107 From Crucero the T & T laid its track north of 
Rasor and then the booming community of Silver Lake by March, 
1906. The summers heat slowed construction, and it was 
early 1907 before service began on the new railroad. By 
May, 1907, regular traffic reached Tecopa. It was ironical, 
that when the T & R reached Gold Center near Beatty, it 
found that William A. Clark's own feeder railroad, Las Vegas 
& Tonopah, had reached the same place a year earlier. The 
LV & T then had built on into Goldfield. Complicating the 
situation, another enterpreneur , John Brock, had built the 
Bullfrog Goldfield Railroad to Beatty, and then on to the 
boom towns of Bullfrog and Rhyolite.108 

For the time being, therefore, Smith decided the T & T 



31 



would not build further north. Instead, with a trackage 
agreement with the Bullfrog Goldfield, it operated trains 
to Bullfrog and Rhyolite. This was the operating situation 
when, with the mining boom at Rhyolite and Bullfrog 
slackening, the B G Railroad became insolvent. Therefore, 
in June 1908, the B G and the T & T were controlled by a 
single holding company, the Tonopah and Tidewater Company. 10 " 

For the next six years, until 1914, the combined line 
was not prosperous. Branch lines were planned, although 
only one. the Tecopa Railroad completed in 1910, was ever 
built. 110 

Meanwhile, the T & T Railroad had its own operating 
difficulties. Flash floods plagued it. In the spring of 
1910, the Mohave River crested at a flood stage, pouring water 
into Silver Lake's dry bed and flooding the tracks laid across 
it. Although trains at slow speed could creep through the 
water, they often sustained flooded firebreaks. To solve the 
problem the track had to be raised six inches above the lake 
bed. 

T & T headquarters were maintained in a private car on 
a siding at Ludlow. From there the train's superintendent, 
Wash Cahill, ran the railroad's operations. 111 

The year 1914 saw many changes on the T & T. The Lila 
C. Mine became exhausted. It was replaced by the Biddy 
McCarty Mine, located 12 miles away from the Lila C. A 
branch line was constructed to it. In 1916 it was sold by 
the T & T to an independent narrow gauge railroad, the Death 
Valley, which then ran from Death Valley Junction to Ryan. 
The Death Valley Railroad's independence was largely a 
fiction, as its owners were substantially the same as the 
T & T. The year 1915 witnessed changes in the B G section 
of its line from Beatty to Goldfield related to the mining 
situation. Bullfrog and Rhyolite were no longer gold ore 
producing, and the Goldfield area had fallen greatly in 
production. As a result, the B G - T & T combined railroad 
revenues plummeted and the symbiotic relationship between 
mines and railroads was again demonstrated. 11 ^ Now since 
the B G paralleled William Glark's LV & T from Beatty to 
Goldfield, the old rivals agreed that they would form one 
new route combining the best portion of each and abandoning 
unneeded track. The railroad that emerged was still called 
the Bullfrog Goldfield, but it was operated by the LV & T. 
The T & T lost its presence in Goldfield, but retained the 
short trackage from Gold Center to Beatty. To compensate 
for its loss of revenue, T & T opened a 1.3 mile branch line 
to the gypsum deposits at Acme. 113 

Floods still plagued the T & T. In January, 1916, 
heavy rains fell in southern California. Once more Silver 
Lake filled with water flooding seven miles of T & T track. 



32 

Other points also suffered washouts and it was months before 
service was resumed. Then a 7.5 mile line was constructed 
along the eastern edge of Silver Lake with salvaged materials 
from the abandoned Lila C. spur. In March, 1916, the Silver 
Lake station and warehouse collapsed. Consequently, the 
depot and the rest of the town were taken up and rebuilt on 
the lake's eastern shore adjacent to the new line.H4 

When the government through the United States Railroad 
Administration forced the LV & T into abandoning its service 
as superfluous, this deprived the B G of an operator. In 
September, 1918, the T & T put the B G again under its aegis 
with a five year operating agreement. 115 

About 1919 the Acme branch line was inactivated and in 
1927 its tracks were removed to build the Carrara spur. 
Around 1920, for a brief period, a light narrow gauge 
railroad operated from the Lila C. Mine to Death Valley 
Junction. It lasted only a few years as the Lila C.'s 
production dropped again. Between 1921 and 1926 the Pacific 
Borax built and operated a 2 foot wide narrow gauge railroad 
to service their borax operations around Shoshone. This 
railroad tied into the T & T some four miles north of that 
town. 

When the Death Valley Railroad suspended operations in 
1931, the T & T widened the defunct company's track and 
operated over it. In the late 1920s a revival of marble 
quarrying at Carrara occurred. To carry these heavy marble 
blocks the T & T took rails from the Acme spur and built a 
Carrara sideline. l 1 ^ 

Since passenger fares were high, few passengers 
officially rode the T & T. Passengers usually tipped the 
train crew and then were allowed to ride on the coal tender 
and the tops of passenger cars. Dining cars were not 
warranted by the traffic, so a restaurant was opened to care 
for the passengers dining needs at Shoshone. 11 ' 

By the late twenties the Pacific Coast Borax Company 
again shifted its major operations from Death Valley to 
Borax near Kramer on the Santa Fe. 118 The first casualty 
of this shift was the B G Railroad which closed down in 1828. 
Three years later, as already indicated, the Death Valley 
Railroad also ceased to operate. lx 9 

The effects of the Great Depression ravaged the 
struggling T & T. As an economy measure in October, 1933, 
operations between Curcero and Ludlow ceased. This move 
forced the abandonment of nearly 26 miles of track. The 
tracks remained in place for years because of mortgage 
requirements, but service never resumed. The train "stops" 
at Ludlow were moved up to Death Valley Junction. 



33 

In the six years from 1933-1938 the T & T revenues 
averaged only l/6th of their previous total during 1920. 
Losses approximated a quarter of a million dollars a year. 
The road continued running, since Borax Consolidated as 
guarantor of the railroad company's land, paid the interest 
and when necessary the operating deficit. This arrangement 
could not continue indefinitely and so, after heavy damage 
by flooding to the railroad in March, 1938, the T & T asked 
the Interstate Commerce Commission to allow it to cease 
operations. By 1939 it possessed, in addition to passenger 
equipment, only 2 9 freight cars and 4 locomotives. After 
ICC hearings the railroad was allowed to cease operation on 
June 14, 1940. After the United States entered World War 
II, the tracks in 1942-1943 were torn up from Beatty to 
Ludlow. Its ties and timber were used in nearby construction, 
and the railroad equipment was removed as other needs for its 
use arose. The complete legal abandonment of the railroad 
was authorized by the ICC in 1946. 120 

Settlements Within and Around the Study Area 

It should always be borne in mind that the entire 
population within the about 19,000 square miles comprising 
San Bernardino County was merely 5,551 in 1860, 3,988 in 
1870, and 7,786 in 1880. As late as 1900, the county's 
population had only expanded to 27,929 and 56,706 in 1910. 
The county's population only reached 73,401 in 1920, and 
finally amounted to 161,000 people only upon the eve of 
World War II. 121 

To illustrate how lightly populated the study area was, 
three geographical subdivisions, townships, comprised it and 
much adjacent territory as well in 1940. These townships of 
Amboy, Kelso and Ludlow contained 474,316 and 225 persons 
respectively; comparable statistics from earlier census 
years are not available, 2 although some inferences can be 
drawn. In 188 the Mohave precinct of San Bernardino 
County, which literally comprised thousands of square miles, 
contained 150 people. 123 Beside the San Bernardino Township, 
which included the City of San Bernardino, the other 
townships into which the county was divided as late as 1900 
still possessed the following populations: Hespera Township, 
170; Vanderbilt Township, 329; Dale Township, 63, and Victor 
Township, 645. 12 ^ This illustrates how lightly populated 
the Mojave Desert was generally, and the study area 
specifically, has been for most of its history. 

The following are some of the more important settled 
places in and immediately about the study area, judged from 
the standpoint of historical impact. 



34 
ACME 

Originally called Morrison, probably after a railroader, 
it was renamed Acme after the Acme Canyon and/or mine. It 
served as a station on the Tonopah & Tidewater spur to the 
Acme Mine. In 1914, to compensate for the loss of the 
Goldfield business, the T & T built the Acme spur from Morrison 
(Acme) on the main track eastward past China Ranch, up Willow 
Creek ' s north side and then up a canyon to a gypsum mine at 
Acme — a distance of 1.3 miles. About 1919 two sons of the 
Acme Mine owner were killed in a cave-in and operations there 
ground to a halt. The spur, because of lack of business, was 
removed in 1927.125 Between 1939-1943 there was a little 
mining of talc at Acme. The Acme Mine is located at Section 9, 
Township 19N, Range 8E, on the San Bernardino base line and 
meridian. Reopened briefly in 1948, the mine permanently 
went into production in 1951. In 1952 its output was 5,000 
tons. 126 

AFTON 

Afton is a tiny hamlet located in Afton Canyon. It was 
built as a siding and named when the Salt Lake Route was 
constructed in 1904-05. It was probably named after a town 
in the eastern United States. Afton was the scene of a well- 
publicized accident in 1907 when two railroaders were killed 
by a crane while clearing tracks after a flood. In March, 
1938, it was the area of a flood which seriously damaged the 
railroad. Afton today receives some business from 1-15, which 
passes west of it, and from campers at a Bureau of Land 
Management campsite. 127 

AVAWATZ 

Avawatz (named for the Avawatz Mountains) was a short- 
lived post office during its early twentieth century mining 
boom. The Cracker jack mining boom nearby having collapsed, 
its post office was moved to Avawatz on August 13, 1908. 
The Avawatz boom proved to be ephemeral and the post office 
closed on December 15, 1910.128 

BAKER 

Baker was a station on the T & T which was originally 
known as Berry, named after an old desert prospector. Because 
there were other places named Berry, the T & T in 1908 
renamed the station in honor of its president, R. C. Baker. 
Although Baker had only 58 people as recently as the early 
1930s, in February, 1933, a paved highway having been built 
through the hamlet, its own post office was opened by the 
postal department. This post office has been continuously 
in operation since that time. Today, situated just off 1-15, 
Baker maintains several modern gas stations, motels, and 
restaurants which give important service to the freeway 
traffic between Los Angeles and Las Vegas. i29 



35 



CRACKERJACK 



In the early twentieth century, Cracker jack was a boom 
tent city, complete with saloons and stores which was located 
to the west of the T & T Railroad near Avawatz Pass. An 
enterprising merchant of nearby Silver Lake, 0. J. Fisk, ran 
a short-lived stage line to it from his home town. A railroad 
spur from the T & T was surveyed but never built to this town. 
A post office was established on February 26, 1907. On August 
13, 1908 postal service was moved to Avawatz. The removal of 
the post office graphically signaled the end of the Crackerjack 
boom. 130 

CRUCERO 

Crucero was created in 1906 where the feuding T & T and 
S.P., LA and S.L. Railroads' rails crossed each other. The 
two railroads built separate stations and did not cooperate 
with connecting trains. Originally named Epson, in 1910 the 
name was changed to the Spanish for crossing — Crucero. 
Between April 18, 1911, and June 30, 1917, and again from 
November 11, 1922 to May 25, 194 3, the hamlet had a post 
office. On the later date the postal facility was moved to 
Kelso. The closing of the T & T Railroad reduced the 
importance of the locale, but it remains a railroad siding 
of the Salt Lake Route. l31 

LUDLOW 

Ludlow has served as a station for the Southern Pacific 
Railroad since the 1870s. Ironically it was originally 
named for William B. Ludlow, who was the master car repairer 
for the Southern Pacific. Reorganizations of railroad 
ownership located this station on the Santa Fe line. Since 
the Santa Fe was willing to cooperate with a feeder line, 
the T & T, that latter railroad used Ludlow as its major 
construction camp, and later its operating headquarters. 
The T & T abandoned nearly 26 miles of track from Ludlow to 
Crucero in 1933. At that time the railroad repair shops 
were moved from Ludlow to Death Valley Junction. The post 
office at Stagg (Stedman) was moved on September 15, 1926, 
and relocated at Ludlow. Ludlow today has some importance 
as a service facility for traffic on 1-40. 132 

RASOR 

Rasor for many years was the first station north of 
Crucero on the T & T Railroad. It was named for the Rasor 
brothers who were railroad surveyors. Clarence Rasor had 
been particularly active in surveying the T & T route. In 
the 1930s Rasor served as a source of water for Baker when 
that town grew. Today Rasor is simply a service stop on 
1-15. 133 



36 



SILVER LAKE 



Silver Lake was one of the few T & T stations in the 
planning unit to have a pre-railroad existence. The town 
was situated on the edge of a large, dry lake which provided 
its name. In 1906 it was already a sizable desert trading 
community, as it was located on the Old Arrowhead Trail and 
close to the then flourishing Crackerjack mining camp. It 
possessed a general store called the Rose, Heath, Fisk Company, 
which reported an annual business of almost $150,000. Also, 
O. J. Fisk, one of the partners in the store, ran a stage line 
for a short time between Crackerjack and Silver Lake. 

In the spring of 1910, as a result of heavy rains, water 
rushed into Silver Lake and did not evaporate. The railroad 
problem was solved by raising the tracks six inches. The 
town was not permanently, adversely affected by this disastor. 
Then, in January, 1916, heavy rains again poured down 
throughout southern California, and Silver Lake was flooded 
agai-n. At that time 7 miles of T & T tracks were under water. 
For a time the Silver Lake depot and warehouse, which had 
been constructed on stilts, was the only dry building in town, 
as the depot had been elevated to a level corresponding to a 
freight car's height. However, in March, two months after the 
flood, the freight depot and warehouse suddenly collapsed. 

As the water evaporated slowly, the T & T was forced to 
make a lengthy detour. In the end the railroad built a lh 
mile line along the lake's eastern shore. When the line was 
relocated, a gasoline tractor dragged the wooden station/ 
warehouse to a higher elevation along the newly revised 
right-of-way. The remainder of the town also relocated on 
the new site. 

Silver Lake had had an early start since it was located 
near Cox's Cut-Off, a heavily used trail during the 1860s. 
Silas C. Cox, a San Bernardino-to-Salt Lake freighter, 
pioneered this route. The road later obtained prominence 
because it was on the Old Arrowhead Trail which ran between 
San Bernardino and Utah. This trail was used by wagons in 
the nineteenth century, and later it was utilized by motor 
cars. In the 1920s, before the paved road through Baker 8 
miles to the south, it was considered the best motor link 
between southern California and Salt Lake City. That it was 
far from ideal is inferred from the fact that, in 1924, Mrs. 
Gus Johnson who operated a general store in Silver Lake in 
the 1920s and 1930s could, at best, drive her car from the 
California coast to Silver Lake in 17 hours. The Old 
Arrowhead Trail bears east from Garlic Springs, past Iron 
Mountain Mine and lays between Soda Lake and the Avawatz 
Mountains. Then, it ran across the northern shore of 
normally dry Silver Lake to the town itself. It then crossed 
the T & T grade and turned east through Riggs Wash and into 
the Hollow Hills. 



37 



After the highway (91 and 4 66, earlier than the present 
1-15) was built, it looked as if Silver Lake's only future 
would be a way station on the soon to be abandoned T & T. 
Hundreds of workmen were brought into the area during the 
1930s to build the Boulder (Hoover) Dam power transmission 
lines to the Southern California region. The town boomed. 
It was deserted when, after completing their work, the 
Boulder Dam transmission line workers left and the T & T 
was abandoned. Silver Lake's post office, which had operated 
since March 27, 1907, was moved to Baker in February, 1933. 
It had a brief moment of publicity in March, 1938, when its 
namesake lake was again flooded, and even fish were reported 
in that once "dry" lake. 134 

STEDMAN/ROCHESTER AREA 

This area is located eight miles south of Ludlow. It 
was also at times known as Stagg, Stedman and Rochester. It 
began when a railroader, John Suter, in the late nineteenth 
century staked a claim to this area which he called, probably 
derived from the state of Ohio, the Buckeye Mining District. 
By 1900 John Suter had formed his own company and worked the 
Bagdad Mine. In 1909 Suter sold out to an organization of 
New York financers who formed a new company, the Bagdad 
Milling Company, with E. H. Stagg as general manager. The 
post office at the main mine was named for him. This post 
office operated from February 15, 1902, until the mine's 
decline, when it was removed to Ludlow. The settlement at 
the foot of the mine sustained a post office called Stedman 
from March 28, 1904 to November 30, 1905. Many of the mining 
employees who came from New York preferred to call the 
settlement, particularly after the post office closed, Camp 
Rochester. 

The climate was harsh — hot in summer and cold in winter. 
It had a short rainy season, but the area was usually parched 
and dry. The workmen's houses were "light clapboard" — rather 
widely dispersed so as to minimize the danger of fire. Both 
liquor and a red-light district were sternly barred. Water 
was virtually unobtainable at the site and was carried to it 
by the railroad. In 1916 after a change of ownership, the 
railroad no longer operated as a common carrier. Nonetheless, 
the railroad was used occasionally, as the mines were leased 
out until 1932. About then, because of an accidental fire 
burning its equipment, coupled with a track washout, the 
railroad was unuseable, and its tracks were permanently 
removed in 1935. 

The mines operated sporadically until 1954, although 
the parent company experienced many name changes. As a ghost 
town Stedman is the more popular name denominating this locale 
probably because there was already another Rochester in the 
county. 135 



38 



Ranching 



The first cattle in the study area were probably 
transported through the Mohave trails by the Indians after 
being stolen from the Spaniards in coastal California. The 
Utes and renegade mountain men seem to have utilized the Las 
Vegas arm of the Old Spanish Trail for horse and mule 
stealing from the Mexicans in Alta, California. More 
legitimate traders probably crossed the Mohave on the way 
to the Colorado River by way of trails along the Thirty-fifth 
Parallel Trail, or the Government Road as it would later be 
known. Along the traders way, their livestock were 
occasionally captured by the desert Paiutes. These captured 
animals were not used as starter stock by the Indians, but 
were instead the main dish in an immediate feast. 

American exploring parties brought some, but an unknown 
number of, livestock with them into the study area. After 
1859 herds of livestock were shepherded through the study 
area on their way to provision Fort Mohave. These animals 
grazed wherever the grass was sufficient. Miners entering 
the Mohave area after 1863 had with them mules, horses and, 
undoubtedly, cattle for meat and milk. As mining camps were 
established there were cows and sheep raised near them to 
supply the improvident, happy-go-lucky miners with fresh meat. 

Later the temporary army garrisons in and around the 
study region during 1866-1868 had small stock herds with them. 
Also, Fort Mohave continued to be a magnet, drawing many 
horses and cattle from coastal California through the study 
area to the Colorado River. 13 ° 

Ranching in the Mohave between 1860-1900 occurred on a 
small scale and where it was environmentally possible, 
although by the end of the period, it had been replaced by 
a more diversified agriculture. Extensive ranches existed 
in places such as the Chemehuevi Valley, west and north of 
modern Cima, and in the high country of and near Lanfair 
Valley. The railroad, and eventually deep well drilling 
equipment, made possible new ranch development in the 1900s. 137 

Although printed documentary livestock statistics in 
the study area alone are impossible to get for the early years, 
they do exist for San Bernardino County as a whole. The 
overwhelming number of persons lived in the southwest corner 
of the county. So the amount of ranching in the study area, 
while considerable for a thinly populated area, still must be 
viewed in proportion to its absolute importance. 

In 188 0, in all of San Bernardino County, there were 57 
working oxen, 2,101 milk cows and 5,361 other cattle. All 
the sheep in the county numbered 48,538.138 Twenty years 
later, in 1900, San Bernardino County reported 12,4 81 "meat 
cattle" and 11,086 sheep. 139 By 1925 San Bernardino County 



39 



reported 1,880 sheep and 37,167 cattle in this political 
sub-division. 140 Twenty years later in 1945, at the end of 
World War II, in more complete returns, San Bernardino 
County was listed as having 2,723 farms with 272,300 cattle, 
as contrasted with 2,710 farms reporting 237,280 cattle on 
the eve of World War II in 1940. In 1940 San Bernardino 
County reported 59 farms raising 6,346 sheep, whereas in 
1945 it had 46 farms claiming ownership of 14,170 animals .141 
By 1969 San Bernardino County stockmen raised 133,004 cattle 
on 640 farms and 19,797 sheep on 70 farms. 142 

An example of a large livestock operation is the Rock 
Spring Land and Cattle Company. Although this company 
operated mainly to the east of the study area, it did at 
times run cattle there. This company was incorporated in 
1894 to raise cattle on a corporate basis, and upon a large 
scale. Its headquarters were originally in Pioche, Nevada, 
but were later moved to Los Angeles. The company operated 
in the southern Nevada and eastern Mohave area of California. 
In that era of few competitors and minimal regulations, the 
company occasionally grazed into the study area. For 33 
years the Rock Springs Land and Cattle Company remained an 
important force in Mohave area cattle industry. Then, in 
1927, the company was subdivided when one of the original 
stockowners died. 143 

At the last federal agricultural census in 1974, although 
the southwest corner of San Bernardino County predominated in 
the ranching of that subdivision, the study area showed 
upwards of 40,000 acres in farmland and approximately $1,000,000 
derived from selling livestock, poultry, and their products. 144 

Farming 

Homesteading in the Mojave Desert started seriously only 
as late as 1912. The earlier real estate boom in coastal 
southern California had not reached as far as the desert. 
Yet after several years of a wet cycle, homesteads, about 
1912, began to appear in the Mojave. Alluvial slopes near 
playas and highland valleys were the sites of homesteading 
attempts. The land was developed in a spotty fashion, as 
homesteaders took possession of only the most likely areas. 
Homesteaders in the Mojave favored the Cronese Valley to 
the west and Lanfair Valley to the east. Problems, such 
as lack of rainfall, floods, and inaccessibility, caused 
the tide of dry farmers to recede by 1925, leaving little 
to show for all the effort. 145 

After the Great Depression of 1929 began in deadly 
earnest in California, there was a tide of unemployed persons 
from the cities who took over abandoned homesteads and worked 
old mining claims. It was only a bare living. Therefore, as 
times improved in the 1930s, these desperate attempts were 
abandoned and almost all the unemployed in the Mohave Desert 
sought jobs in the California cities. 146 



40 



Military 



The Desert Training Center, or as it became after its 
area included lands across the Colorado River — the California- 
Arizona Maneuver Area — was created during World War II. Its 
headquarters were located at Camp Young near Indio . The 
military maneuvers generally took place outside the immediate 
study area. Yet, these maneuvers had an important effect on 
the region, as many men who had never seen the California 
desert learned to live and work in it. 147 

Since World War II military installations have been part 
of the desert scene. The relative nearness of the Pacific 
Theater during World War II initiated the placement of 
military installments in the Mojave. Many were discontinued 
after that conflict because of worsening world conditions 
during the Cold War. Every one of the major services 
maintains, or has maintained, a large installation in the 
Mojave. On the edges of the study area were the army's Camp 
Irwin, and Twenty-Nine Palms Fleet Marine Force, Pacific 
Weapons Training area. Camp Irwin since 1970 has been 
deactivated by the army, but it is still utilized by the 
California National Guard. 148 

Military installations need communications, space and 
favorable climatic conditions. Another important factor in 
military installation location is fast transportation. The 
Mohave is served by two trans-continental railroads, the 
Santa Fe and Union Pacific, with a third the Southern Pacific 
not far away. Eight U.S. highways cut through San Bernardino 
County. As early as the 1940s the desert area possessed 
some towns where supplies could be obtained and the necessary 
civilian labor forces based. Interestingly, only one 
community, China Lake-Ridgecrest, represents an inhabited 
area started since 1940, although many older communities 
such as Victorville and Mohave have gained population because 
of military installations. Between the Korean War and the 
early 1960s it was estimated that 28,000 military employees 
and 10,000 personnel from civilian constructions were 
employed in the Mohave. 

Military installations need extensive space, since open 
tracts are required to test missiles and aircraft, and for 
use as gunnery ranges. By the 1960s, l/6th of the Mojave 
Desert lay within military bases. Military bases are 
located in the main in a favorable climate. In this dry 
desert area, supplies and machines can be safely stored 
out of doors. This type of climate, where preservation 
of machines is favorable, allows an excellent environment 
for storage and repair depots. 149 

Two cultural-environmental factors have developed in 
the twentieth century influencing desert use. These factors 



41 



operated successfully before World War II, but have become 
particularly important since that time. The first factor 
was the growth of Los Angeles as a financial center, and 
also as a source of investment capital for all southern 
California, including the Mojave. 

The other factor was, and remains, the technological 
advances made by the United States in the twentieth century. 
After 1930 better paved roads and sturdier automobiles 
had been developed. These factors brought many changes, 
transforming the desert — service stations, roadside cafes 
and motels. Deep wells can create oases in the desert where 
none naturally existed. Air conditioning has made the hot 
desert bearable. Men can live and work in the desert more 
easily than ever before. 150 

Since World War II the megalopolis of Los Angeles has 
sent many thousands of people into the desert to seek 
various types of recreation, from bird-watching to the use 
of off -road vehicles. This has demanded additional 
recreational facilities on public land, as well as 
increased regulation of its use by the Bureau of Land 
Management and other federal agencies. *-*l 




Illustration of petroglyphs from Cady Springs as recorded 
by Malcolm Rogers. Rogers recorded this site as M-42 and 
indicated that these were "scratched Chemeheuvi petroglyphs." 
Records on file at the San Diego Museum of Man. Illustration 
by Russell L. Kaldenberg. 



42 

FOOTNOTES 



1. A. La Vielle Lawbaugh, "Where Turquoise Was Mined by 
the Ancients , " Desert Magazine (August, 1951), 1-12; 
Chester King and Dennis G. Casebier Background to Histor ic 
and Prehistoric Resources of the East Mojave Desert Region 
(prepared for Desert Planning Program, Bureau of Land 

Management, Riverside, California), 281-282; James T. 
Davis, "Trade Routes and Economic Exchange Among the 
Indians of California," Ballena Press Publications in 
Archaeology, Ethnology and History, No"] 3 (Ramona , CA, 
1974), pp. 29^W: 

2. Richard F. Pourade, Anza Conquers the Desert ; The Anza 
Expeditions from Mexico to California and the Founding 

of San Francisco , 1775~ to 1776 (San Diego ; Union-Tribune 
Publishing Co., 197177 25-6T7"W. W. Robinson, The Story 
of San Bernardino County (Los Angeles, Pioneer Title 
Insurance Co., 1958), 7. 

3. Ibid . , 91-134; Elliot Coues, trans, and editor, On the 
Trail of a Spanish Pioneer; Garces Diary 1775 - 1776, 

2 vols, (New York i Francis P. Harper, 1900), I, 244 and 
following; Luther A. Ingersoll, Inger soil's Century Annals 
of San Bernardino County , 1769 to 1904 , Prefaced with A 
Brief History of the State of CaTifornia (Los Ang e 1 e s : 
L. A. IngersolIV T^04) , 74-73"; Robinson, The Story of San 
Bernardino County, 7-8. 

4. George W. Beattie, trans., "Diary of Fr. Joaquin Nuez, 
minister of San Gabriel and chaplain of the Expedition 
against the Mohave Indians, Begun by Lt . Gabriel Morgan, 
November, 1819" in San Bernardino Museum Association 
Quarterly II (Winter, 1955) passim . 

5. Maurice S. Sullivan, Jedediah Smith : Trader and Trail 
Breaker (New York; Press of the Pioneers, Inc., 1936) , 
74-77; Maurice S. Sullivan, The Travels of Jedediah Smith: 
A Documentary Outline Including the Jou~rnal~of the Great 
American Pathfinder (Santa Ana" Ca. : The Fine Arts Press, 
iy34) , 15; George William Beattie and Helen Pruitt Beattie, 
Heritage of the Valley : San Bernardino ' s First Century 
(Uakland,~Ca. : Biobooks ,~T^51), 22-23; Dale L. Morgan and 
Carl I. Wheat, Jedediah Smith and His Maps of the American 
West (San Francisco: California Historical~S"ociety^ 1954) , 
63-b6. Revising some older conclusions about Smith's 
track is George R. Brooks, The Southwest Expedition of 
Jedediah S. Smith: His Personal Account of the Journey to 
California , 182b -l827~TGlendale, CXi TTTe"^rt!mr"H7~CTa"rk~" 
Company, 197777" 78^&. 



43 

6. Sullivan, Jedediah Smith , Trader, 117-123; Sullivan, 
Travels of Jede diah S mith , 31-3 - 3; Brooks, ed., Southwest 
Expedition of Smit h, 7"2-98; Beattie and Beattie, Heritage 
of the Valley , 23; Morgan and Wheat, Maps, 70-72. On 

James Ohio Pattie, see his own story, The Personal Narrative 
of James Ohio Pattie . It was originally published in 
T831, modern edition (Philadelphia: J. B. Lippincott, 
1962). 

7. Charles Camp, ed. , George C. Yount and His Chronicles of 
the Wejrt , comprising Extracts from his Memoirs and from 
the Orange~Clark Narrative (Denver: Old West Publishing 
Company, I"966) , 85-128; L. R. and A. W. Hafen, eds . , 

Old Spanish Trail (vol. 1 in The Far West and Rockies 
Historical Series , 1820-1875 TGlenHale, CA, The Arthur H. 
Clark Co. , 1954) 19 and ff. J. J. Hill, "Ewing Young in 
the Fur Trade of the Far Southwest, 1822-34," Oregon 
Historical Quarterly , XXIV (March, 1923) passim ; Robinson, 
The Story of San Bernardino County , 13. 

8. Maryellen Vallier Sadovich, "A History of Southern Nevada," 
I, 35-42, typescript in Southern Nevada Museum, Henderson, 
NV, 34-42; Eleanor Lawrence Meyer, "The Old Spanish Trail 
from Santa Fe to California," (Master's thesis, University 
of California, 1930), 27-107. This master thesis was the 
basis for an article by Meyer on the same subject. 

9. Elizabeth Von Till Warren, "Armijo's Trace Revisited: A 
New Interpretation of the Impact of the Antonio Armijo 
Route of 1829-1830 on the development of the Old Spanish 
Trail (master's thesis, University of Nevada, Las Vegas, 
1974) , passim. 

10. King and Casebier, East Mo j ave Desert Region , 236-287. 

11. Ibid . ; Warren, "Armijo's Trace Revisited," passim . 

12. Ralph P. Bieber, ed. , in collaboration with Averam B. 
Bender, Exploring Southwestern Trails , 1846-1854, VII 
(Glendale, CA, The Arthur H. Clark Co., 1938), 353-383; 
Donald Chaput , Francois X. Aubry , Trader , Trailmaker and 
Voyageur in the Soutrlwest , 1846-1854 (Glendale, CA, : 
The Arthur H. Clark Co. , 1975) , 149-157 . 

13. Lieutenant Robert S. Williamson, Report of Expeditions in 
California for Railroad Routes to Connect with the Routes 
over the~3~5th and 32nd Parallels of North Latitude in 
House Document No. 129" , 33rd Cong. , 1st Session (Washing- 
ton: Government Printing Office, 1856), passim, but 
especially 32-34. 



44 

14. Lieutenant Amiel Weeks .nipple and Lieitenant J, C, Ives, 
Report of Explorat ions aTor a Railway Route ( near the 
Thirty- F ifth Paralle l of North Latitude ) from the Missis- 
sippi River to the "P acific Ocean (Washington: Government 
Printing Office, 1856) paisim , especially 119. 

15. King and Casebier, East Mo j ave Desert Region , 290. 

16. Lewis Burt Lesley, ed. , Uncle Sam' s Camels , the Journal 
of May Humphreys Story , Supplemented by the Report 5T 
Ellward Fitzgerald Beale (1857-1858) (Cambridge! Harvard 
University Press, 1924) , passim ; Edward F. Beale, "Wagon 
Road - Fort Smith to Colorado River in 36th Cong. , 1st 
Session, House E xecutive Document 42 (serial 1048), passim , 
A map accompanies this document; OHTe B. Faulk, The U.S. 
Camel Corps (New York: Oxford U. Press, 1976), IT7-TT57 
128-131; Beattie and Beattie, Heritage of the Valley , 
320-322. 

17. Robert M. Utley, Frontiersmen in Blue: The United States 
Army and the Indians , 1343-l"5"65 (New York: Macmillan Co. , 
IW7), 16ZTT"Harold D, Langley, ed. , To Utah With the 
Dragoons and Glimpses of Life in Arizona and Calif. , 
1858-1859 "TSalt Lake City: University of Utah, 1974), 140. 

18. On the nineteenth century American view of the Mohaves and 
their culture see Ingersoll, Ingersoll's Century Annals of 
San Bernardino County , 84-92. For modern scientific 
analysis of the Mohave culture see Sherburne Cook, The 
Conflict Between the California Indian and White Civiliza- 
tion , (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California 
Press, 1976), 193-194 and Ralph L. Beals and Joseph A. 
Hester, California Indians : Indian Land Use and Occupancy 
in California (New York and London : Garland Publishing, 
Tn~c, 1974), I pt.l, 25-26. 

19. See footnote 5 on Beattie. 

20. On the Utah "war" between the Mormons and the Army see 
Langley, To Utah , 6-15. On the Mormons and the Colorado 
River Indians see Paul Bailey, Jacob Hamlin : Buckskin 
A postle (Los Angeles: Westernlore Press, 1948}"] 181- 
133 and Juanita Brooks, The Mountain Meadows Massacre 
(Norman: University of Oklahoma Press - ] 1962)" 149 fh . 
and 150 fn. On the warlike Mohave see Beals and Hester, 
California Indians , I, pt. 1. pp. 25-26, and Beattie and 
Beattie, Heritage of the Valley , 322-323. 



45 



21. Utley, F rontiersmen in Blue, 164-165; Langley To Utah, 140, 
143, 152-155; Thomas Edwin Farish, History of A rizon a 
(Phoenix, Thomas Edwin Farish, 1915), I, 3227 Beattie and 
Beattie, Heritage of the Valley , 322-324. 

22. Beattie and Beattie, Heritage of the Valley , 323-324; 
Philip J. Avillo, "Fort Mojave; Outpost on the Upper 
Colorado, Journal" of Arizona History (Summer, 1970), 
77-100. 

23. King and Casebier, East Mojave Desert Region , 295-296, 

24. L. Burr Belden, "Forgotten Army Forts of the Mojave," 
Los Angeles: Los Angeles Corral of the Westerners Brand 
Book Number 11 (1964), 85-104; Department of Parks and 
Recreation, California Inventory of History Resources 
(Sacramento: State of California, 1976), 181-183. 

25. Los Angeles Star , January 28, 1860; San Bernardino Guardian , 
July 6, 1867; Dennis G. Casebier, Carle tori's' Pah-Ute 
Company (Norco, CA; Tales of the Mojave Road Publishing 
Co., 1972), 1-49. 

26. Beattie and Beattie, Heritage of the Valley , 326. 

27. Belden, "Forgotten Army Forts," 94-102, Ingersoll, 
Ingersoll 1 s Century Annals of San Bernardino , 155. 

28. See as examples of attempts to obtain investor support 
for mines in the greater Mojave Desert, see Macedonian 
Silver Ledge Company , California (Buffalo : Rockwell, Baker 
6c Hill printers, 1865); copy in California Historical 
Society and The Piute Company of California and Nevada 
(n.p. 1870) an example of a legendary "lost mine" that 
sparked interest in mining in San Bernardino County is 
that of Thomas "Peg-Leg" Smith, see John Brown, Jr. and 
James Boyd, eds. , History of San Bernardino and Riverside 
Counties , II (n.p. The Western Historical Association, 
1922), II, 648-650). 

29. King and Casebier, East Mo j ave Desert Region , 304. 

30. Ingersoll, Ingersolls ' Century Annals of San Bernardino , 
161; State of California^ "Mines and Mineral Deposits 

of San Bernardino County, California," California Journal 
of Mines and Geology IL, nos, 1-2, (January - ApriT^ 1953) 
page 101 record pagination. 

31. State of California, "Mines of San Bernardino," 96-109, 
second pagination; Dept. of Parks and Recreation, California 
Inventory of Historic Resources , 73. 



46 

32. Ingersoll, Inger soil's Century Annals of San Bernardino , 161 

33. Anonymous, "Lead-Silver Ore in Avawatz Mountains - 
California, Mining and Oil Bulletin (July, 1919), 451- 
452, 460; Anonymous "San Bernardino Avawatz Crown Mine," 
California Division of Minerals and Geology, XVII, (1920), 
359-360, xerox in possession of the author. 

34. Ronald Dean Miller, Mines of the' High' Desert (Glendale, 
CA, : Las Siesta Press, 1963) ,TT 

35. King and Casebier, East' Mojave' Pes erf Region , 304. 

36. William B. Clark, Gold Districts of California , Bulletin 
143 (San Francisco: California Division of Mines and 
Geology, 1966), 153; State of California, "Mines of San 
Bernardino," 70, first pagination. 

37. On the Dale district gold mines see State of California, 
"Mines of San Bernardino County," 29-61, second pagination 
and Miller, Mines of the High Desert , 13-22. On the Weaver 
Route see L. Burr Belden, "Pauline Weaver had own Route 

to Reach River, "San Bernardino Sun-Telegram , February 
12, 1956, p. 24. On a type of desert struck miner of 
the southern Mojave see Tom Cover's story, Brown and Boyd, 
San Bernardino and Riverside Counties , II, 651-652. 

38. State of California "Mines of San Bernardino County," 73, 
first pagination; Miller, Mines of the High Desert , 30-31. 

39. Clark, Gold Districts of California , Bulletin 193, p. 158; 
State of California "Mines of San Bernardino County," 82, 
first pagination, 59, second pagination. 

40. Clark, Gold Districts of California , Bulletin 193 , p. 161; 
State of California, "Mines of San Bernardino County," 
78-79. 

41. State of California, "Mines of San Bernardino County," 

72, first pagination, Clark, Gold Districts of California , 
Bulletin 193, p. 161. 

42. State of California, "Mines of San Bernardino County," 76- 
77, first pagination. 

43. Clark, Gold Districts of California , Bulletin 193, p. 167. 

44. State of California, "Mines of San Bernardino County," 71, 
first pagination. 



47 

45. Ibid. 

46. David F. Myrick, Railroads of Nevada and Eastern California - 
vol. II, The Southern Roa ds~TBerkeley ? Howell -North BooTcsT 
1963), 827^335": 

47. State of California, "Mines of San Bernardino County," 71, 
first pagination. 

48. Myrick, Railroads , II, 82ft. 

49. Ibid . ; State of California, "Mines of San Bernardino 
County," 71. 

50. State of California, "Mines of San Bernardino County, 71, 
first pagination. 

51. Ibid, , 71, first pagination, Myrick," Railroads , II, 835. 

52. State of California, "Mines of San Bernardino County," 71, 
first pagination, Myrick, Railroads , II, 835. 

53. State of California, "Mines of San Bernardino County," 71, 
first pagination. 

54. Ibid. 

55. Myrick/ Railroads , II, 835. 

56. State of California, "Mines of San Bernardino County," 71, 
second pagination; Anonymous, "Lead-Silver Ore in Avawatz 
Mountains - California," Mining and Oil Bulletin (July, 
1914), 451-452, 460; Anonymous, "San Bernardino Avawatz 
Crown Mine," California Division of Minerals and Geology, 
VII, (1920), 359-360. 

57. See end paper "Mineral Production of San Bernardino County, 
1880-1950" in State of California, "Mines of San Bernardino 
County." 

58. Ibid., end papers and 132-192, second pagination. 

59. Ibid . , 48, 51; King and Casebier, East Mojave Region , 305- 
306. On the mining employment statistics in San Bernardino 
see California Statistical Abstract , 1978 , p. 20. On world 
impact on mining see W. W. Rostow, The World Economy ; 
History & Prospect (Austin: University of Texas Press, 

1978), m^iw: 



48 

60. Robert R. Russel, Improvement of Co mmunication with t he 
Pacifi c Coast as an Issue in American Politics (Cedar 
Rapids, 10, Torch Press, 19^8), 282-293. Allan Nevins, 
The Eme rg ence of Lincoln (New York: Charles Scribner's 
Sons, r950J7~I, 415-429, 440-444. On the debate between 
northern and southern senators see the Congressional Globe 
35 Congress 2nd Session, Part 1, po. 326, 332, 373-376T - 
418, 442, 477-478, 577-578, 602, 607-609, 624, 627. 

61. On the Mohave Indian threat and its solution, see Beat tie 
and Beattie, Heritage of the Valley , 322-323. On north- 
south rivalry and the various railraod routes, see 
William H. Goetzmann„ Army Exploration in the American 
West , 1803-1863 (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1959), 
253^267; Ward McAffee, California's Railroad Era, 1850- 
1911 (San Marino, CA: Golden West Books, 197377~22-27 . 

62. On the survey itself see Whipple, "Reports of Explorations 
and Surveys." Ill, 119 and Beattie and Beattie, Heritage 
of the Valley , 326. 

63. William A. Bell, New Tracks in North America (.New York: 
Scribner, Walford & Co. , 1870T, passim ; William J. Palmer, 
Report of Surveys Across the Continent in 1867-68 on the 
Thirty-fifth and Thirty- second Parallels for a Route 
Extending the Kansas Pacific Railway to the Pacific at 
San Francisco and San Diego (Philadelphia: W. B. 
Schelheimer, 1869) , passim ; Beattie and Beattie, Heritage 
of the Valley , 326; John S. Fisher, A Builder of the West : 
The Life ofGeneral William Jackson "(Caldwell, ID . : Caxton 
Printers, Ltd. , 1939), 145. 

64. J. M. Guinn, A History of California , and an Extended 
History of Los Angeles and Environs (Los Angeles : Historic 
Record Company, 1915) l7~2"22; McAffee, California's 
Railroad Era , 108; Keith L. Bryant, Jr. , History of the 
Atchison , Topeka and Santa Fe Railway (New York: Macmillan 
Publishing Co., Inc., 1974), 84; H. Craig Miner, The 

St. Louis -San Francisc o Transcontinental Railroad : The 
Thirty-fifth Parallel Project , 1853-1890 (Lawrence, Kansas: 
University of Kansas Press, T9 1 2 ) , 4T! 

65. Guinn, California , I, 222-223. The railroad stalled 361 
miles from St. Louis according to Bryant, History of the 
Atchinson , Topeka and Santa Fe , 84. On the SL & SF Railroad 
see Ibid . , 84-86. On the organization of the St. Louis 

and San Francisco Railroad Company, See Miner, the St . 
Louis -San Francisco Transcontinental Railroad 94-95; James 
Marshall, Santa Fe: The Railroad that Built an Empire 
CNew York: Random House, 1945), 15S7~ 



49 

66. Guinn, California , I, 222; McAffee, Ca lifornia's Railroad 
Era, 109, 113; Miner, the St. Lou is -Sa n Francisc o Trans- 
continental Railroad , 85; MarsHall, Santa Fe, lGE, 

67. McAffee, California's' Railroad Era , 113; Marshall, Santa 
Fe, 170. 

68. McAffee California's Railroad Era, 108-109; Stuact Daggett, 
Chapter's on the History of the Southern Pacific (New 
York: Augustus M. Kelly, 19F6J, 126; Ingersoll, Inger soil' s 
Century Annals of San' Bernardino County , 253. 

69. Bryant, History of the Atchison ,' Topeka and Santa Fe, 
91-92; Miner, The St. Louis - San Francisco Trans continental 
Railroad , 130-T3T; Marshall, Santa Fe/ HTTO. 

70. Myrick, Railroads II, 769-770; Miner, The St / Louis - San 
Francisco Railroad , 138-139; Daggett, SoutnWiT Pacific , 

134; Ingersoll, Ingersoll 's Century Annals of San Bernardino 
County , 59. 

71. Miner, The St. Louis Transcontinental Railroad, 138-139; 
Bryant, History of the Atchison , Topeka and Santa Fe 
Railway , 92; MarshaTT7 Santa Fe, ITST 

72. Miner, The St. Louis - San Francisco Transcontinental 
Railroad , 138-139; Marshall, Santa Fe, 181, Lucius Beebe, 
The Central Pacific & The Southern Pacific Railroads 
"(Berkeley: Howell-North, 1963), 241, McAffee, California's 
Railroad Era , 184-185. 

73. Bryant, History of the Atchison , Top eka and Santa Fe 
Railway , 156; Myrick, Railroads , II, 7B"8 ; Ingersoll~7 
Ingersoll 's Century Annals of San Bernardino County, 261, 
266. 

74. Bryant, History of the Atchison , Topeka and Santa Fe 
Railway , 162; MyrickT ~Railroads , II, 788. 

75. Miner, The St. Louis - San Francisco Transcontinental 
Railroao r 7~l59T 

76. Miner, The St. Louis - San Francisco Transcontinental Railroad , 169. 

77. Myrick, Railroads, II, 791. 

78. Ibid . 

79. Bryant, History of the Atchison , Topeka and Santa Fe 
Railway , 263, 28^7 Marshall, Santa Fe, 305-306, 385^395. 



50 

80. State of California, "Mines of San Bernardino County," 
288, first pagination, 180, second pagination; Myrick, 
Railroads , II, 835-840. 

81. Myrick, Railroads , II, 840-841; State of California, "Mines 
of San Bernardino County," 235, 237, first pagination, 186, 
second pagination. 

82. See the Las Vegas Sun for June and July, 1979, 

83. Myrick, Railroads , II, 623. 

84. Elbert B. Edwards, 200 Years in Nevada : A Story of 
People Who Opened, Explored and Developed the LanH - (Salt 
Lake City, Publishers Press, 1978), 236; George Kennan, 
E. H. Harr rman : ' A Biography (Freeport, N.Y, : Books for 
Libraries Press, 1969)7 I, 344. 

85. George Kirk, "A History of the San Pedro, Los Angeles and 
Salt Lake Railroad," (Master's thesis, Pomona College, 
1935), 2. 

86. Kennan, Harriman, I, 344; Myrick, Railroads , II, 625. 

87. Myrick, Railroads , II, 625. 

88. Kirk, "Salt Lake Railroad," 19-24; Kennan, Harriman , I, 
343-344. 

89. Kirk, "Salt Lake Railroad," 28. 

90. Ibid,, 30. 

91. Kennan, Harriman , I, 345; Kirk, "Salt Lake Railroad," 30. 

92. Kirk, "Salt Lake Railroad," 31. 

93. Kennan, Harriman , I, 346; Myrick, Railroads , II, 642. 

94. Kennan, Harriman , I, 346; Myrick, Railroads , II, 643. 

95. Kirk, "Salt Lake Railroad," 45-46. 

96. Ibid., 54; Myrick, Railroads , II, 647, 660. 

97. Myrick, Railroads , II, 660. 

98. Ibid . , 662. 

99. Ibid . 
100. Ibid. 663. 



51 

101. State of California, "Mines of San Bernardino County , " 
220-221, 223-225. 

102. W. Starrs Lee, The Great California Deserts (New York: 
G. P. Putnam's Sons, 1963), 72-73. 

103. Mary Ann 0' Con ley, Upper Mojave" Desert : A Living Legacy 
(Detroit: Hurlo Press, 1969), 23-24; Lee, The' Great 
California Deserts , 122-124. 

104. State of California, "Mines of San Bernardino County," 221, 
first pagination; 0' Conley, Upper Mojave Desert , 42; 
Myrick, Railroads , II, 545; L. Burr Belden and Ardis Manly 
Walker, S ear les " Take Borax , 1862-1962 (San Bernardino: 
Inland Printing & Engraving Co., 1962), 26-35; Carl L. 
Randolph/ United' States Borax a nd Chemical" Corporation : 
The First One Hundred' Years (New York: Newcomer Society, 

W377~^. 

105. Kirk, "Salt Lake Railroad," 52. 

106. Myrick,' Railroads , II, 547. 

107. Ibid. , 547-548. 
108. 



109. 
110, 
111. 
112, 
113. 
114. 
115. 
116, 
117. 

118. State of California "Mines of San Bernardino County," 220- 
221, 223-225, first pagination, 176, second pagination. 

119, Myrick, Railroads , II, 591. 



Kirk, "Salt Lake Railroad," 
548, 549, 555-556. 


Myrick 


, Railroads, II, 557. 


Ibid, , 


559 


Ibid., 


559, 585, 


Ibid, , 


585-586. 


Ibid. , 


586. 


Ibid. 




Ibid. , 


586-587. 


Ibid. , 


587-588. 


Ibid. , 


588. 



52 

120. Ibid. 

121. Census of 1900 , Vol. I, 11 j Census of 1950, Vol. I, 121, 

122. Census of 1950 , Vol. I, 125. 

123. Census of 1880 , Vol. I, 109. 

124. Census of 1900 , Vol. I, 78. 

125. Myrick, Railroads , II, 586-591. 

126. State of California, "Mines of San Bernardino County," 199. 
first pagination. 

127. Myrick, Railroads , II, 660, 673, 675, 765; Evan G. Gudde, ed. , 
California Place' Names : The original' Etymology" of Current 
Geographical N ames (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University 

of Calif omiaTress, 1969), 4. 

128. Walter N, Frickstad, comp. -/ A Century of California Post 
Offices , 1348 to 1954 (Oakland! PnTlatelic Research 
Society, I955)~13FT" 

129. Mryick,' Railroads , II, 548, 591; Frickstad, comp., California 
Post Offices , 138; Gudde, ed. , California , Place Names , 19. 

130. Frickstad, comp., California Post Offices, 139; Myrick, 
Railroads , II, 548; Remi Nadeau, Gho s t Towns and Mining 
Camps of California (Los Angeles: Ward Ritchie Press, 
19557, ~T6S: 

131. Frickstad, comp,, California Post Offices , 139; Myrick, 
Railroads , II, 547, 548, 600. 

132. Frickstad, com., California Post Offices , 143; Myrick, 
Railroads , II, 461, 462, 4707~4S'9, 547, 560-561, 585, 591 
592, 593, 623, 766, 770, 787, 797, 827, 835, 840; Gudde, 
ed. , California Place Names , 186. 

133. Myrick, Railroads , II, 546, 548, 567, 591. 

134. Ibid ., II, 467, 547, 548; Walter Ford, "Mystery of Silver 
Like." The Desert Magazine (July, 1939), II, 23-24, 
Nadeau, Mining Camps , 268, Erma Pier son, The Mojave River 
and its Valley (Glendale, CA, The Arthur H. Clark Company, 
IT70T7 _ 22I5T 



53 

135. Frickstad, eomp., Calif ornia Post Offices , 145, 146; 
My rick, Railroads ," II, 827-8~34; Nadeau, Mining Camps, 
251. See the temperatures in the Bagdad area in Walter 

C. Mendenhall, Some Desert Watering' Places in Southeastern 
California' and Southwestern Nev ada 7 Water Supply "Paper 
224 (Washington*; (TovernmentTrmting Office, 1909), 
T27 

136. King and Casebier, Eastern Mo j ave Desert Region , 317-318; 
Frank Norris and Richard L. Carrico, A History of Land 

Use in the California' Desert' Con's er vat 1 on Area IjSan Diego : : 
Water Services, Inc., 1978), 25, 29, 37-40. 

137. Jural Jeanne Garrison, "An Analysis of the Livelihood 
Pattern of the Mojave Desert" (Ph.D. Dissertation in 
Geography, University of California, Los Angeles, 1960), 
137-148. 

138. Census of 1880 , Volume, Statistics of Agriculture , 144, 

139. Census of 1900, Vol. V, Part I, Agriculture , 420, 421. 

140. Special Census of 1925 , Agriculture, Volume, Western States, 
469. 

141. Special Census of 1945 , Agriculture , Volume I, pt. 33, 

p. 77. Also see the maps on pages 352 and 353 of Volume II. 

142. Special Census of 1969 , Agriculture , Part 48, California, 
321, 323: 

143. King and Casebier, Eastern Mo j aye Desert Region , 318- 
319; Velma Stevens Truett, On the Hoof in Nevada (Los 
Angeles: Gehrett-Truett-HoTe, ~T"?50Tr~354c , 375b , 492d. 

144. Special Census of 1974, Agriculture , Volume I, part 5, 
Plate XVIII, IXX. 

145. King and Casebier, Eastern Mo j ave Desert Region , 320-323; 
Garrison, "Livelihood Pattern of the Mojave Desert," 147- 
148; Norris and Carrico, History of Land Use, 65-66. 

146. King and Casebier, Eastern Mo j ave Desert Region , 320- 
323; Garrison, "Livelihood Pattern of the Mojave Desert," 
147-148. 

147. Sidney L. Meller, "The Desert Training Center and C-AMA 
(Historical Section, U.S. Army Ground Forces, 1946) ,' passim ; 
Norris and Carrico, History of Land Use, 98-100, 



54 

148. State of California, "I'ines of San Bernardino County," 
52-54; Norris and Carrico, History of Land Use , 100, 116 
126; Warren A, Beck and Ynez D. House, Historical Atlas 
of California (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 
1774), 86-S37 

149. State of California, "Mines of San Bernardino County," 
52-54; King and Casebier, Ea s t ern ' Mo j ave Desert Region , 
326-327; Garrison, "Livelihood Pattern of the Mo j ave 
Desert," 147-150. 

150. David W, Lantis, Rodney Steiner and Arthur E. Karinen, 
California' Land of Contrast (Belmont, California: Wads- 
worth Publishing Co., 1963) , 51; Garrison, "Livelihood 
Pattern of the Mojave Desert," 150-151. 

151. Garrison, "Livelihood Pattern of the Mojave Desert," 
150-151; Norris and Carrico, History of Larid^ Us e , 113, 
116, 121-126. 






t 





1' 






Illustration of "Malpais (?) ceremonial of the boulder- 
alignment type." From notes of Malcolm Rogers. Site is 
recorded as M-156B, Quail Lake in the Owlshead Planning 
Unit. On file at the San Diego Museum of Man. Illustration 
copied from Rogers' notes 



55 



SECTION 2 

ETHNOGRAPHIC BACKGROUND 

The People 

The southern half of the Owlshead/Amargosa and Mojave 
Basin planning unit lies within the ethnographic territory 
of the Chemehuevi. As a southern Paiute group, the 
Chemehuevi spoke a Numic language and practiced a 
subsistence economy based on hunting and gathering. The 
environment in which they lived precluded a large 
population density and enforced the somewhat nomadic 
lifeway of the family level of socio-cultural integration 
familiar throughout the Great Basin. 

Distribution, Identity and Linguistic Affiliation 

Post-historic distribution of the Chemehuevi included 
a major portion of the Mojave Desert. Their territory 
extended from the Kingston Range south through the 
Providence Mountains to the approximate boundary of present 
day Riverside and Imperial counties; westward to Newberry 
Springs and eastward to the Piute Mountains (Van 
Valkenburgh 19 74) . As the southern-most extension of the 
Numic linguistic family, the Chemehuevi occupied the lands 
between the Yuman and the Takic linguistic groups. The 
Kawaiisu, who spoke another Numic language, were located 
to the northwest in the area of Searles Lake. The Vanyume 
Serrano were centered around Daggett and along the Mojave 
River. The Serrano proper occupied the area of the San 
Bernardino Mountains with the Cahuilla to the south. The 
Mohave were located to the east, principally along the 
Colorado River. 

Evidently the Chemehuevi were friendly with the groups 
to the north and west, although there is conflicting 
evidence that the Chemehuevi and Serrano may have had 
occasional quarrels (Bean and Smith 1978:570 and 572). 
The Vanyume along the Mojave River were sparse and poor, 
being rapidly decimated around the 1820s and extinct by 
1900. They had enjoyed good relations with both the 
Chemehuevi and Mohave (Bean and Smith 1978:570). 

Some time after 1776, the Halchidhoma and the Kohuana 
were driven from the lands west of the Colorado River by 
the Mohave and Yuma. The Chemehuevi moved into this area 
and maintained a fairly close relationship with the Mohave 
until unrest in 186 7. The Chemehuevis in this area then 
fled across the desert and settled near Twenty-Nine Palms 
with the Serrano and later at Cabezon with the Cahuilla 
(Manners 1974:26). 



56 



The Mohaves were the Chemehuevis' closest 
neighbors. . .The relationship between the two tribes 
was close/ almost symbiotic. Each was to the other 
the essential enemy. To the Chemehuevis. . .enemy was 
virtually synonymous with Mohave. . .Mohaves ambushed 
Chemehuevis and vice-versa. Also they derived great 
satisfaction from their mutual contempt. Chemehuevis 
were revolted by the place that fish held in the 
Mohave diet, and Mohaves were equally disgusted by 
"lizard eaters." None of this prevented their 
visiting back and forth, intermarrying, and learning 
each other's language and songs... They traded 
artifacts, and no doubt to a certain extent each 
tribe assimilated the skills of the other... Their 
enmity was almost (until recent years) without 
hatred, at least without deep, bitter and enduring 
hatred; it was as though they united in playing 
out a stylistic (though deadly) game of war 
(Laird 1976:141). 

Other records indicate that the Chemehuevi in the 
area of the Providence, Paiute and New York Mountains 
were enemies of the Desert Mohave (Laird 1976; Van 
Valkenburgh 1974). At any rate, Van Valkenburgh states 
that "the post-historic shifts of the Chemehuevi seem to 
have emanated in the disturbances of their quarrelsome 
Yuman neighbors on the Colorado River" (1974:228). 

A Chemehuevi informant delineated a trail which 
spanned Chemehuevi territory from the area of Victorville 
to Fort Mohave. It was described as follows: 

Victorville to Stoddard Wells — to fish ponds 
just below Daggett — 6 or 8 or 10 miles — Camp Cady. 
Next place at caves — next to Soda Lakes — sinks of 
the Mohave River — Soda Lake to 17 Mule Point 
(between Soda Lake and Marl Springs) — to Government 
Holes. Pass through mountains to Rock Springs. To 
Paiute Spring to Bauer Lake to Hardyville to Fort 
Mohave (Van Valkenburgh 1974:252). 

There were essentially three sub-divisions of the 
Chemehuevi proper: The Northerners occupied the land 
along the northern reaches of the Colorado River with 
the Southerners along the river to the south; those 
who occupied the land back from the river to the west 
were called Desert Chemehuevi. "Nonetheless, constant 
visits back and forth, shared war parties and hunting 
expeditions, as well as intermarriage. . .must have made 
for considerable tribal homogeneity (Laird 1976:8-9). 
The aboriginal population of the Chemehuevi proper was 
probably somewhere around 500 to 800 people based on a 



57 



reduction of one- to two-thirds of the population at the 
last Federal census of 350 people (Manners 1974:27). 

Chemehuevi is a dialect of the Yutish sub-family which 
stems from the Numic linguistic family of the Shoshonean 
languages of the great Utaztekan stock (Goss, 1968:18 and 
25) . Its derivation is diagrammed below. 

UTAZTEKAN 

SHOSHONEAN 

\ 

NUMIC 

\ 

YUTISH 



1 I 

UTE KAWAIISU 

. ' 1 

CHEMEHUEVI KAIBAB N. PAITUE S. PAITUE 

It has been hypothesized that Ute began to break from 
Kawaiisu some 800 to 900 years ago somewhere in the vicinity 
of southern California. Ute in turn became linguistically 
divergent as the various groups spread into the Great Basin. 
Thus, it would appear that the spread of the Yutish speakers 
across the Great Basin is a fairly recent event. 

Remember, the marked distinctions between the 
Southern Paiutes are cultural, not linguistic. 
The "Utes" are just the Yutish groups that 
happened to reach the Great Plains... The cultural 
boundary, which is so sharply drawn by some 
ethnographers, between the "Southern Paiutes" 
and the "Utes" indicates only the western 
boundary of marked Plains influences at the 
onset of the reservation period (Goss 1968:35). 

The shallow dates between Chemehuevi on the western 
extreme and the Utes on the east, seem to indicate 
a very recent expansion into the Basin. Perhaps 
the easternmost Utes only reached the Plains about 
2 or 3 centuries ago, represented by the Northern 
Ute-Southern Ute divergence (Goss 1968:27). 

Further evidence from Yutish place-names would seem to 
support this recent expansion. Sapir suggests that: 

The analysis of placenames is frequently a valuable 
means of ascertaining whether a people have been 
long settled in a particular region or not. The 
longer a country has been occupied, the more do 
the names of its topographical features and villages 



58 



tend to become purely conventional and to lose 
what descriptive meaning they originally 
possessed (1916:56). 

In pointing out Sapir's analysis, Goss goes on to state 
that: 

Almost all Yutish place names are descriptive and 
easily translated. The purely conventional place 
name is the rarity here. Hence, the inference: 
Evidence from the place names indicates recent 
expansion of Yutish speakers in the historic 
doman (1968:31) . 

Goss is further corroborated by Laird (1976:119) as 
she points out that Chemehuevi place-names are vividly and 
concisely descriptive; even though she further points out 
the advantages of descriptiveness in finding one's way 
across vast expanses of desert. 

Social Organization, Subsistence Economy and Material Culture 

The Chemehuevi inhabited a broad expanse of desert 
domain. Aboriginal exploitation of arid lands demanded 
mobility and prohibited the aggregation of large numbers of 
people in any given area. Thus the Chemehuevi followed a 
lifeway familar throughout the Great Basin: small, basically 
self-sufficient extended family groups, hunting and gathering 
for themselves and coming together in communal interests 
periodically through the year (Kelly 1934; Steward 1938). 

The basic social organization of the Southern Paiute, 
to whom the Chemehuevi are related, was predominated by what 
Steward (1938:75) called 'family particularism'. The extended 
family was the encompassing social unit throughout most of 
the year although groups of families would travel, gather and 
hunt together where seed crops and game were abundant. The 
communal hunting of deer and mountain sheep was an example 
of cooperative alliances between families, and winter 
residence was usually in small villages of such allied groups. 
Allegiance to the village, though, was secondary, and an 
individual's behavior and social ties were governed to a 
greater extent by kinship and the family group (Steward 
1938:75) . 

At one time, the Chemehuevi may have been divided into 
moieties, with one group inheriting the Mountain Sheep 
Song and the other, the Deer Song. Ancestry was not 
traced to either the mountain sheep or the deer, and no 
real totemism accrued. Only certain parts of either 
animal were taboo to the man who had killed it and there 
was no strict regulation about hunting the animal of 



59 



one's inherited song. Other inherited songs of lesser 
importance were the Salt Song, the Day Owl Song and the 
Quail Song, all of which were probably closely related 
to the Deer Song. The Mountain Sheep Song covered by far 
the greatest extent of land. It was centered along the 
Colorado River and around the area of the Providence, 
Ivanpah, New York, and Piute Mountains, but extended 
across the Mojave Desert from the Granite Mountains to the 
San Bernardino Mountains (Laird 1976) . 

The people of different mountain ranges and territories 
had different versions of the two dominant songs. The 
inheritors of the song were said to 'own' the particular 
hunting lands which were associated with the different 
versions of the two songs. It does appear, though, "... 
that everyone was either a Mountain Sheep or Deer..." and 
when they hunted they would "invite outsiders to go along 
with them — these outsiders being perhaps visitors from 
other tribes or men who had married into the tribe" (Laird 
1976:9) . 

Marriage was exogamous at least between the groups with 
different versions of the two dominant songs, although 
there is no real evidence of exogamy between the main 
divisions of the Mountain Sheep and Deer (Laird 1976:21). 
Residence after marriage was usually matrilocal. Steward 
(1938:57) points out a strong preference for matrilocal 
residence in the southern part of the Owens Valley as well 
and states this may have been connected with female 
ownership of valley seed plots. Essentially, though, 
individual family groups could reside wherever they wished. 
In general, residency was governed by availability of seed 
crops. Where such foods were abundant several families 
would occupy the same locality which resulted in the 
formation of small 'bands' of extended families. Each 
of these 'bands' had a spokesman but allegiance to him 
was based on residence in, and not on inheritance of, 
a family's hunting territory (Laird 1976:22). 

The spokesman of any large band was a 'high chief and 
could preside over assemblies gathered for consultations 
concerning various matters. When a 'high chief was deemed 
unsatisfactory, he could be replaced with "one who would 
act in accordance with tradition and with the will of the 
people" (Laird 1976:29). 

Groups would come together frequently through the year 
at the Gathering, a time of consultation and communal 
activity. The annual ceremony of the Cry also contributed 
to group cohesion. It was a time for mourning those who 
had died the previous year. Usually, belongings of the 



60 



dead and certain gifts were burned, after which the names 
of the dead were never spoken again (Laird 1976; Steward 
1938) . 

The Chemehuevi had a strong sense of the supernatural. 
Shamanism was most generally related to healing but could 
also involve the willing of disaster and illness as well 
as the protection of game animals from 'outsiders*. 
Shamanistic power was achieved through dreams and meditation 
and involved the help of animal familiars. Both shamanistic 
and hereditary songs could be acquired from the sacred cave 
and the cave itself was thought of as an entity. Whirlwinds 
were thought to be supernatural demons which were disliked 
but not feared. A decoction made from Datura was taken to 
gain the power to reveal enemies or to find mislaid objects 
(Laird 1976) . 

The spirits of the dead were thought to travel to the 
far north, to a land of abundance and beauty. In life, 
an individual's hunting range and relationships were 
defined by hereditary songs; after death, by the particular 
color of corn which was his (Laird 1976) . 

The rites of death were and are sacred and of immense 
importance. The funeral was of necessity held 
without much preparation, but was followed, perhaps 
as long as six months or a year later, by... the Cry 
or Mourning Ceremony. .. (For it must be remembered 
that the Chemehuevis were great travellers. 
Families sometimes travelled alone or in small 
groups, and deaths must often have occurred during 
these periods of isolation.) At the time of the 
funeral, women relatives of the deceased cut their 
hair... some property was burned, and there was 
ritual singing. Not much more could be done, 
considering the short time which must elapse 
between death and burial (Laird 1976:41-42). 

For the Cry or Mourning Ceremony, 

Extensive and elaborate preparations were made. 
A date was selected, three months, six months, 
or even a year after the funeral. If there had 
been several deaths fairly close together, the 
bereaved families might choose to cooperate in 
providing for a single Mourning Ceremony. 
September was often the month chosen because 
food would be plentiful at that time... Eagle 
feathers braided into bands and also the whole 
skins of eagles cured with the feathers on 
them were used ceremonially at the Cry... The 
Chemehuevis did not catch and keep eagles 



61 



when no Mourning Ceremony was in prospect, but 
they sometimes bought them from other tribes, 
usually the Walapais (or Serrano) who did make 
a practice of keeping them. No special ritual 
was connected with the killing of eagles (Laird 
1976:42) . 

When the date of the Cry had been set, the knotted 
string was sent out... At the Cry the ritual songs 
were sung*. .Valuable goods , which had been purchased 
by those giving the ceremony were given away... All 
possessions of the deceased which had not been 
burnt at the time of the funeral were now burnt, 
along with other articles belonging to close friends 
(Laird 1976:42-43). 

The Scalp Dance and the Ghost Dance were both known as 
the Circle Dance. Both probably served as an emotional 
catharsis, with the Scalp Dance being older and the Ghost 
Dance a newer innovation. The Ghost Dance probably helped 
to alleviate the 'sense of doom 1 which much have come 
with historic contact and a time of cultural and social 
upheaval. In some instances, the Ghost Dance songs began 
to substitute for the hereditary songs of pre-contact 
times (Laird 1976:44-45). 

Being primarily nomadic hunters and gatherers, and only 
incidentally planters, the Chemehuevis never evolved 
an organized priesthood. . .elaborate rituals, or 
great symbolic seasonal dances. Their principal 
cultural carriers were songs and myths, primarly 
the latter, although songs were also tremendously 
important in this respect .. .Chemehuevi myths 
transmitted racial and tribal behavior, and, 
through symbols, a highly developed psychology 
(Laird 1976:209) . 

Chemehuevi origin myth relates to "Ocean Woman" 
and tells of the beginning of all tribes as coming from 
a basket carried by "Coyote" from an island in the sea. 
This myth, and all others, were passed down in the oral 
tradition, being told with individual embellishment and 
lengthened or shortened to fit the occasion. Winter was 
the proper time for storytelling, 'when the snakes were 
asleep' (Intertribal Council, 1976; Laird 1976). 

The Chemehuevi followed a subsistence economy based 
on hunting and gathering and the seasonal round. In the 
early spring when winter stores were depleted, the young 
beans of the mesquite were gathered and eaten whole while 
still young and succulent. The young shoots of various 
plants were collected and eaten as grass. Fruits from 
the devil's pin cushion and prickly pear cacti were also 
exploited. Yucca dates and buds from the Joshua tree 



62 



were collected and eaten raw or roasted and could be stored 
for short periods of time. Where available, agave was 
collected and roasted in pits. As early summer approached, 
seeds ripening in the lower valleys could be gathered and 
eaten at the time or stored in baskets with potsherd lids 
for future use. The more dessicated mesquite beans of the 
summer months were gathered and leached in pits for 
immediate consumption or cached in elevated granaries. 
Both the honey bean and screw bean mesquite were exploited 
but the honey bean was preferred. In the late summer, the 
people would move to the mountain slopes to gather the 
later maturing seeds of the higher elevations (Beals and 
Hester 1974; Drucker 1939; Laird 1976; Steward 1938). 

Because seeds are small, they must be gathered in 
large numbers to be profitable. Where vegetation 
is as widely dispersed as in the desert valleys 
and mountains, this called for considerable 
mobility on the part of the Indians. The radius 
of action of a single camp site soon was depleted 
because women gathering seeds had to cover a 
comparatively large area each day. Therefore, 
the family had to move frequently and in the 
majority of cases was unable to select spots 
near water or other places of convenience. T*he 
major requirement in selecting a campsite while 
seed gathering was a plentiful seed crop (Beals 
and Hester 1974:215-216). 

Pinyon pine nuts ripened in the fall and were gathered 
with the aid of a fire bent hook on the end of a fifteen 
to twenty foot pole. The cones were burned to extract 
the nuts which were stored in grass-lined pits in the 
vicinity of the winter camp (Steward 1938) . Storage 
of the nuts influenced the location of winter residency. 
Location of the winter village and the groups comprising 
it could thus change from year to year depending on where 
people eventually went to gather (Beals and Hester 1974: 
212) . 

Among the Southern Paiute, the annual fall festival 
was held just prior to the pine nut harvest. It was 
generally a time of communal activity and of pursuing the 
social amenities of courtship and marriage. Lasting 
three to four days, the festival was terminated with the 
Mourning Ceremony (Steward 1938:184). 

Among the Chemehuevi, horticulture was an introduced 
technique, probably borrowed from the river Yuman tribes. 
The principal cultivated crops were wheat, beans, corn, 
squash and melons. In the vicinity of the Colorado River 
natural flooding of the river supplied good fields and 
water. Around springs in the desert, water was carried 



63 



to small plots or diverted from its natural flow in 
ditches, but irrigation was also a borrowed technique. 
Near the river, plots of wheat were planted in the fall 
and left through the winter. When the people returned in 
the spring, young crops would augment the early spring 
diet (Laird 1976; Steward 1938). 

Game was relatively scarce in Chemehuevi territory 
and successful hunting of the large animals like deer and 
mountain sheep probably only came with the advent of the 
bow and arrow (Laird 1976:5; Steward 1938). The main 
animal foods exploited were rabbits, hares, deer, mountain 
sheep, wood rats, mice, quail, chuckwalla and the desert 
tortoise (Beals and Hester 1974; Laird 1976). Meat 
was roasted or pulverized with the bone and formed into 
small cakes. For storage, the fat was removed and strips 
were dried. The blood was cooked in a paunch or gut 
(Drucker 1939:10; Intertribal Council, 1976). The 
procurement of these foods was generally on an individual 
basis although communal hunting of deer and mountain 
sheep did occur (Laird 1976; Steward 1938). Rabbits and 
hares were taken by trap or fire surrounded, and rodents could 
be pulled from dens with a stick twisted into the fur 
(Steward 193 8) . Evidently, the Chemehuevi found fish 
distasteful and there may have been an ancient taboo 
against eating them (Laird 1976:46). This is in part 
corroborated by the total lack of reference to any 
material culture items associated with the taking of fish 
(Drucker 1939:7-8). 

Men fashioned caps of animal skin ornamented with quail 
feathers for themselves; women made basketry caps. Summer 
dress was usually sparse, the women wearing only small 
aprons and the men, short breechcloths. In colder weather, 
coverings of buckskin and rabbit-skin blankets, fashioned 
from furred strips and lashed together, afforded protection. 
Basketry was both coiled and twined, and basketry 
winnowing and parching trays were prevalent. Pottery 
was made with the paddle-and-anvil technique and crushed 
rock and sherds were used for temper (Drucker 1939) . 

In the preparation of foods, stone mortars, both 
bedrock and portable, were employed. Stone pestles were 
used with both hands and were not elaborately shaped. 
Wooden mortars were also used, particularly in the 
preparation of mesquite beans. Metates were rectangular 
and unifacial and a back-and-forth motion was used in the 
grinding of foods. The Chemehuevi also used a food 
stirrer made of three sticks lashed together and ladles 
fashioned from tortoise shell and gourds (Drucker 1939: 
13-14) . 



64 



The Chemehuevi made both a recurved five-foot self-bow 
and a three- foot sinew backed bow. Arrows made from cane 
had a hardwood foreshaft and were both tipped and untipped. 
For small game, untipped arrows of arrowweed or hardwood 
were generally used. Pressure retouch on stemmed points and 
other tools was done with bone or stone flakers and the use 
of a hand protector. Butchering was generally done with an 
unhafted tool, although hafted knives were sometimes used. 
Bone scrapers and rubbing stones were used to dress skins, 
and brains from the animals were rubbed into them to increase 
pliability. Awls were most generally made from bone (Drucker 
1939:14-16) . 

Glue for patching and for cementing such things as 
sinew to bows was obtained from several different sources. 
It was made by boiling horns from the mountain sheep or 
collected as pitch from the pinyon pine. Gum, deposited by 
a small insect on the creosote bush, was also collected and 
mixed with pulverized rock and heated just prior to use 
(Beals and Hester 1974:234). 

A sexual division of labor accrued from the fact that 
both sexes usually made the items which they used. Women 
made the baskets, pots and other implements employed in the 
procurement and preparation of vegetable foods. Men 
fashioned the tools necessary in the hunting of small and 
large game, although women and children also assisted with 
the smaller rodents and reptiles. Men usually made the 
cordage, leather goods and rabbit skin blankets (Drucker 
1939; Laird 1976; Steward 1939). 

The Chemehuevi would seek out small caves and 
rockshelters for protection from inclement weather. They 
would also make brush lean-tos or ramadas for protection 
from the sun in summer. 

More elaborate dwellings were constructed, particularly 
in the area closer to the Colorado River, for winter 
residence. These structures were semi-subterranean and 
constructed of four medial posts. Numerous peripheral posts 
held up an overlayer of brush and grasses, with a vertical 
double, sand-filled front wall (Drucker 1939; Laird 1976; 
Steward 1938) . 

Personal adornment was achieved in various ways. Both 
males and females pierced their ears, and some males would 
pierce the septum. Tattooing was common, particularly on 
the forehead, and females would tattoo vertical lines down 
the chin. Non-ritual painting of the body was also common. 
Hair was worn long, past the shoulders, and males usually 
tied it into numerous 'pencils' down the back. Necklaces 
were made from shell beads and pendants traded in from the 
coast (Drucker 1939) . 



65 



Post-Contact Disintegration 

The Chemehuevi were never missionized as were their 
neighbors from the San Bernardino Mountains and west. The 
terrain would not support large populations, and their 
habitual tendency to wander about made it difficult to keep 
track of them (Cook 1976:193). Nonetheless, the upheaval 
in southern California, which reached its peak in the mid- 
1800s, most surely had an affect on them. The general 
reduction of the Indian population in southern California 
from warfare, disease and forced removal in the 1800s 
decimated the aboriginal population. This, coupled with 
the 'attack from the rear by white settlers' and the 
depletion of aboriginal hunting and gathering territories, 
reduced the Indian inhabitants and forced them into a less 
favorable environment (Cook 1976:232; Intertribal Council 
1976; Steward 1938) . 




? 



/X>V V A-' 



Petroglyphs from Malcolm Rogers' site M-19 at Francis 
Spring. Rogers indicates that the petroglyphs are 
located on lava blocks. Illustration copied from 
Malcolm Rogers' notes on file at the San Diego Museum 
of Man by Russell L. Kaldenberg. 



66 



SECTION 3 
GEOGRAPHICAL AND GEOLOGICAL BACKGROUND 



Geography 

The Mojave Desert is a natural region that occupies a 
large part of southeastern California. This natural region 
is defined by geographic boundaries identified by Thompson 
(1929) . The northwest boundary is the Tehachapi Mountains, 
or roughly the Garlock fault. The southwestern boundary 
includes a group of ranges, the Sierra Pelona, the San 
Gabriel Mountains, and the San Bernardino Mountains, and 
roughly coincides with the San Andreas Fault of west Cajon 
Pass. Thompson describes the northern boundary at the 35th 
parallel from the Sierra Nevada Mountains to the Colorado 
River. The eastern boundary is generally considered to be 
the Colorado River. 

The topography of the Mojave Desert is typified by low 
mountain ranges that separate many undrained alluviated 
basins. These ranges have no definite pattern, but in the 
eastern and central portion many of them trend north or 
northeast. Relief increases eastward as altitudes of the 
alluviated valleys increase from 4,000 ft at the western 
margin to near sea level at the Colorado River (Dibblee & 
Hewett 1970) . 

Climate 

Landform, vegetation and climate comprise the major 
elements of the natural landscape. Of the three factors, 
climate is considered to be the dominant factor in the 
modification of a natural realm. While climate is not 
completely independent, it does have a significant effect 
on the other factors in the development of a natural 
landscape. 

In general, the climatological data for the East Mojave 
Planning Unit also characterizes the Amargosa/Mojave Basin 
Planning Unit. The area 

is characterized by minimal annual precipitation, 
low humidity, broad ranges in daily temperatures, 
relatively high year-round temperatures, and 
occasionally strong seasonal winds. . .Since precipi- 
ation and humidity are slight, and temperatures 
generally high, the climate is usually classified 
as arid or dry. . .However , low moisture levels and 
high temperatures do not necessarily define a climate 
as arid unless these tendencies can be compared with 
the water need of an area... In this case, the water 
need may be defined as the amount of moisture needed 
to meet evaporation and transpiration requirements. 



67 



As the planning unit consists of a region where 
little or no water surplus exists in any one 
season, the climate can be labeled "arid", since 
the region's water deficiency is far larger than 
potential evapotranspiration. . . . 

Precipitation. . .develops from two main sources 
...During the winter, the rain falls primarily 
as a result of easterly migrating cyclonic storms 
that originate over the Pacific Ocean. . .Locally 
heavy convectional precipitation may occur during 
the summer as unstable masses of moist tropical 
air developed over the Gulf of California, Gulf of 
Mexico, and lower Colorado River, enter the region 
from the south. High intensity, short-duration 
summer downpours (or thunderstorms) occur in the 
...region on the order of ten to twenty times a 
year, falling most often in July, which may have 
as many as six such storms of up to two hours 
duration each (King et al . 1976:72-73). 

The Mojave Desert in general is classified as an arid 
region. It lies in the rain shadow of the Sierra Nevada 
Mountains and the coastal ranges of Southern California and 
receives less than 6 inches of annual precipitation. The 
Mojave Desert receives the largest portion of its annual 
precipitation in the winter months — October to March (Bailey 
1954) . The rainfall from these winter storms is a major 
factor in the geomorphic processes of the desert. It also 
is the primary source of water that supplies vegetation 
and springs. Fluctuations, therefore, in annual precipitation 
have a noticeable effect on the desert. 

The average annual temperature in the Mojave Desert 
ranges is between 58° F. and 69° F. Seasonal temperatures 
can range 50° F. or more from the annual average. Tempera- 
tures drop well below freezing in the winter months, and 
climb as high as 120° F. or more in summer. 

Geology 

The rocks of the Mojave region can be separated into 
two major divisions: a) Pre-Cenozoic rocks, and b) Cenozoic 
sedimentary and volcanic rocks. The Pre-Cenozoic rocks are 
composed of 1) metamorphic and old sedimentary rocks, and 2) 
igneous rocks. 

Pre-Cambrian metamorphic and igneous rocks outcrop 
throughout the Mojave, but occur in major outcrops in the 
Sacramento Mountains, Old Woman Mountains, and a belt of 
mountains that parallel the California/Nevada border, 
extending northward to Death Valley. Paleozoic limestones 
and dolomites occur in only a few major outcrops, notably 
in the Providence Mountains and the Clark Mountains. 



68 

Mesozoic igneous rocks, particularly granites and 
Tertiary volcanic rocks, are the most common rocks in the 
mountains of the Mojave Desert. The rocks of Mesozoic age 
are generally coarse crystalline granites, believed to be 
emplaced contemporaneously with Sierra Nevada batholiths to 
the west. Tertiary volcanic rocks range from basaltic to 
rhyolitic in composition. Volcanism began during the Pliocene 
and continued into the early Quaternary. Basalt flows at 
Amboy Crater have been dated as recently as 6,000 years B.P. 
(Parker 1963) . 

Erosion has been a continuous process throughout the 
Cenozoic, resulting in large sections of Tertiary and 
Quaternary sediments. Quaternary lake beds in many of the 
valleys contain large deposits of saline minerals. Fossil 
pollens and other plant material recording changes in 
vegetation and climate are present in many of these sediments. 

Geomorphology 

A major feature of the landscape of the project region 
is the pediment slopes, which are considered a geomorphic 
stratum in the sampling procedures. In describing the 
Quaternary conditions and geological interpretations of the 
Great Basin, Morrison (1965) includes this portion of the 
Mojave Desert as part of the Great Basin, and reviews the 
geological interpretation of these pediments and associated 
basins. 

The basins are partly filled with detritus from 
the adjoining mountains. The basin-fill deposits 
of the Quaternary age range in thickness from a 
few feet to several thousand feet. Gently sloping 
alluvial surfaces that are concave basinward border 
the mountains. These surfaces are of two types, 
which frequently occur in association. Bajada, or 
piedmont surfaces, the first type, are formed by 
coalescing alluvial fans and are underlain by 
relatively thick accumulations of gravelly alluvium 
laid down by floods debouching from the mountains. 
Pediment surfaces, the second type, are inclined 
rock-cut surfaces thinly veneered with gravelly 
alluvium. Down-slope, the pediments are overlapped 
by piedmont surfaces. Much of the Quaternary 
pedimentation took place before the last main climax 
of block faulting, and in places the pediments are 
displaced by the faults. In general, pediments are 
rather narrow in the northern part of the Great 
Basin and they become progressively wider to the 
south. 

The floors of basins that have remained closed 
decrease in slope toward the basin interior until 
they merge into almost level alluvial plains and 



69 



finally in central playas (dry lakes) in the 
lowest part of the basin. Progressive alluvia- 
tion has raised the floors, so that dissection 
and exposure in depth of the basin-fill deposits 
are slight. Commonly the upper parts of alluvial 
fans are dissected because of altered stream 
regimen resulting from climatic change or locally 
from uplift by block faulting. Some basins, 
however, have become breached and through-going 
drainage to lower basins has been established, 
and their basin-interior deposits have been 
dissected by the throughf lowing stream and its 
tributaries (Morrison 1965:267). 

The geologic processes which operate in the desert are 
not unique to the desert, but some are more or less effective 
due to the effects of the arid climate. Some, as faulting or 
warping, are independent of climatic conditions. Others, as 
weathering and the transportation of weathered material, are 
directly influenced by the nature and distribution of 
vegetation, which in turn are determined by climate 
(Blackwelder 1954). 

Weathering 

The breakdown of rocks proceeds by means of mechanical 
and chemical processes. Thermal expansion, the freeze-thaw 
cycle, and salt crystal growth are the most common processes 
of mechanical weathering. In recent years chemical 
weathering, particularly crystal hydration, has been recog- 
nized as the major factor in the weathering of sound rocks 
in the desert. 

Crystal hydration is basically an expansion of the 
crystal lattice by the addition of water. The expansion of 
the constituent crystals breaks the bonds between mineral 
grains, and the rock disintegrates into sand and rubble. 
"Exfoliation" is a common effect of hydration that results 
in sheets of crystals separating from the rock. Hydration 
is directly related to the amount of water available. Small 
cavities, or unusually porous section of rock, weather at a 
faster rate than surrounding rocks to enlarged niches and 
alcoves. 

Of the mechanical weathering processes, thermal 
expansion and contraction, and wedge-work of the freeze 
thaw cycle are relatively minor compared to the action of 
salt crystal growth. The crystallization of salt, at or 
near the surface, has sufficient expansive force to break 
the bonds between individual grains of rock. Porous or 
fractured rocks, particularly those on or near saline 
playas, are rapidly disintegrated by this process. Non- 
porous rocks or very dense rocks are generally not affected. 



70 



Another process of weathering in the desert, that becomes 
important when considering recent changes in land forms, is 
desert varnish or patina. Desert varnish is a hard black 
coating consisting of oxides of iron and manganese, as well as 
fine wind borne clay particles "baked" on the rock surface. 
Desert varnish forms very slowly, and indicates areas that 
have been stable for long period of time. Blackwelder cites 
observations in Egypt that suggest a period of up to 5,000 
years to form a light brown finish (1954:14). 

Stream and Wind Action 

The primary resultant of running water and wind in the 
desert is the transportation of weathered material. The 
typical desert streams are rare floods which develop quickly 
and last only a few hours. These "flash floods" are infrequent 
events in which rainfall quickly runs off the barren mountain- 
sides to concentrate in pre-existing channels. The run-off 
quickly gains a large volume and a high velocity, with great 
erosive power. The sediment load is then deposited on 
alluvial fans as the water loses velocity and permeates the 
porous alluvial gravel. 

These floods strip away soil and rubble in their paths, 
as there is little or no vegetation to hold it in place. On 
steeper slopes running water excavates sharp ravines and 
gullies. 

The phenomenon called "sheetwash" is the result of water 
from cloudbursts running over alluvial slopes in a "sheet", 
during which rain waters may accumulate to a depth of from a 
few inches to a few feet. Loose material is churned up from 
the ground surface so that the lower slopes become covered 
with detritus washed down from the upper alluvial slope. 
Related to the lack of a high degree of absorption in the 
project area's alluvial slopes, water from the sheetwash 
tends to flow down and empty into washes or arroyos . These 
distribute the water and debris into the dry lakes of the 
area. Certain locales within the project area exhibit 
classical examples of this type of removal of surface sands 
and gravels which leaves the alluvial slope surface with a 
denuded appearance. One such example of the effects of 
sheetwash is the slopes of the alluvial fan between the 
East and West Cronese Lakes and the western side of the Soda 
Mountains (Fenneman 1931) . 

The material deposited on alluvial fans and valley 
floors is rarely sorted and ranges from clay size particles 
to large cobbles. Wind action further separates this 
material by carrying off the finer portions, a process 
known as deflation. "Desert pavement" is a common result 
of deflation where the finer materials have been removed 
leaving a surface covered with coarse gravel and cobbles. 



71 



Wind action is an effective process in arid regions. 
Because vegetation is sparse, the wind can move fine gravel 
a few feet above the ground. Sand is carried much higher, 
and dust is lifted thousands of feet into the air where it 
can be carried long distances. Gravel is often swept into 
wind rows on playa surfaces. Sand is accumulated into dunes 
which migrate with the prevailing winds or deposit on the 
lee side of obstacles, from low shrubs to ridges or gullies. 

Two major principles should be kept in mind in the 
observation of desert land forms. First, coarse granitic 
rocks are highly susceptible to weathering, and therefore 
relatively nonresistant . Second, due to the rapid 
concentration of runoff and the large amount of debris 
available for transport, running water has a major effect 
on the development of landforms. 

Quaternary Geology 

In the Pleistocene, the last period of continental 
glaciation in the western hemisphere, the climate of the 
Mojave Desert was much different than it is today. The 
basins of the Mojave Desert contained extensive inland lakes. 
Vegetation at that time period ranged from grassland to 
woodland environments, occupied by numerous Pleistocene 
mammals (Maps 3, 4, and 5). 

The Mojave River formed that master drainage, connecting 
several lakes and finally draining north into Lake Manly. 

Ancient shorelines and other associated sediments 
indicate that these lakes covered tens to hundreds of square 
miles, and had depths of over two hundred feet (Blanc and 
Cleveland 1961) . 

Recent Geologic History 

While the Mojave was not directly affected by glacial 
ice, glaciation in the Sierra Nevada Mountains along with 
world wide glaciation, brought about dramatic climatic 
changes within this region. The major drainage systems of 
the Mojave Desert are relics of the pluvial systems of the 
Pleistocene. 

Four periods of glaciation in the Sierra Nevada 
Mountains have been recognized on the basis of soils formed 
in the Owens River Valley. In chronological order the four 
glacial periods are known as the McGee, Sherwin, Tioga and 
Tahoe glaciations. The Tahoe glaciation, the most recent, 
ended between 6,000 and 8,000 years ago. During interglacial 
phases the climate of the Mojave Desert probably became arid, 
similar to the present day conditions. 

As a result of increased precipitation, related to the 



72 



GEOLOGY: WESTERN U SITED STATES 



V 




Map showing maximum expansion of the pluvial lakes and glaciers within 
the Great Basin during post-Sangamon time (after Morrison, 1965:266). 



f 



J 



73 



100 riOMtioii 




Map 5 

Owens- 
extent 
Tahoe 



to-Death Valley system of pluvial lakes, showing their maximum 

during post-Sangamon time, probably contemporaneous with the 
glacial maximum (after Morrison, 1965:278). 



74 




FH.i iik 1 7-1:1 Late Pleistocene freshwater lakes and 
rivers in the Great Basin and Mojave Desert. (California 
Division of Mines and Geology, Mineral Information 
Service, April, 1961 ) 



Oakshott, Gordon B. California's Changing Landscapes . New York: 
McGraw-Hill (1971:323). 



Map 6 



75 



glaciations, lakes developed in most of the basins within 
the Mojave Desert. Blanc and Cleveland (1961) describe the 
Mojave drainage as it had developed during the Pleistocene. 

Evidence of a Pleistocene lake along the Mojave 
River was first described by J. P. Buwalda in 1914. 
He discovered the well-exposed lake deposits that 
crop out along the river canyon near Manix, about 
30 miles east of Barstow. To this former lake he 
gave the name Manix. Later work revealed that 
an arm of Lake Manix occupied the Afton Basin, 
where lake sediments, terraces and beach gravels 
are preserved. Vertebrate fossils, including 
eleven varieties of birds, indicate that the age 
of the Manix beds ranges from early to late 
Pleistocene. The Manix basin was for a long time 
the sump of the Mojave River and contained a large 
lake with fluctuating shorelines. At the time of 
its maximum extent it covered 200 to 300 square 
miles and was about 200 feet deep, but as the climate 
changed and the inflow decreased the lake disappeared 
leaving a playa. A dry period followed during which 
occasional floods regraded slopes to pediments and 
small fans were deposited on the lake deposits. With 
the return of a more moist climate, a second lake 
formed, and a new sequence of lake sediments was 
deposited. This lake flowed over its east rim into 
Afton Canyon. From Afton Canyon the water discharged 
eastward into the Silver-Soda Lake basin southeast 
of Death Valley to form ancient Lake Mojave and some 
drained northward and filled the Cronese basin and 
formed Little Lake Mojave. Well-preserved shore 
terraces and gravel bars indicate that Lake Mojave 
reached a depth of about 40 feet, then overflowed 
northward where its waters joined the Amargosa River 
before entering Death Valley. As only a small gorge 
was cut in the spillway it seems probable that the 
lake overflowed for only a short time, perhaps only 
a few centuries. The Mojave River still occasion- 
ally reaches Soda Lake and in 1916 Cronese and Silver 
Lakes were flooded to a depth of 10 feet. The Lake 
Manix spillway was cut down rapidly and eventually 
the lake was drained. Continued downcutting deeply 
dissected the Manix basin developing a system of 
dendritic canyons. Later the river was apparently 
dammed again forming a third lake. Much smaller in 
size than its predessors, this lake occupied only 
the canyons of the Afton Basin. This last lake was 
also drained, as indicated by the subsequent 
dissection of the basin by the Mojave River. Canyons 
nearly 200 feet deeper than the lake bottom now exist 
suggesting that pluvial conditons continued after the 
last lake drained. 



76 



Geologists of the U.S. Geological Survey... 
recently have discovered several topographic 
benches, sand ridges and some "lake type" 
sediments near Crucero on the southern edge 
of Soda Lake basin. These features, which 
are believed to be of lacustrine origin, are 
significant because they occur at elevations 
between 955 and 1,111 feet, which is well 
above the 946 foot elevation of the Lake 
Mojave spillway. If there has been no post 
lake deformation of the spillway or of the 
lacustrine features it would appear that the 
Soda basin was the southern limit of a 
continuous lake which extended to the northern 
end of Death Valley — a distance of over 150 
miles (Blanc and Cleveland 1961:5-6). 

The other Pleistocene Lake which relates to the 
Southern Owlshead/Amargosa and Mojave Basin Planning Unit 
is Lake Manly. 

Lake Manly, the pluvial lake in Death Valley, 
was recognized by Russell and Gilbert, but was 
first accurately mapped by Blackwelder. It 
was fed by three separate drainage systems. 
The chief contributor was the Owens River-to- 
Death Valley system, from which Lake Searles and 
Panamint successively overflowed to Lake Manly 
only in Tahoe time. In addition, also probably 
in Tahoe time, a chain of pluvial lakes 
successively overflowed several basins in the 
Mohave Desert area and drained into Lake Manly 
via the Mohave River. The Amargosa River, which 
joins the Mohave River a short distance above 
Death Valley, at this time and subsequently 
contributed drainage from overflow of three 
more pluvial lake basins. At its maximum, Lake 
Manly was about 90 miles (145 km) long, 6-11 
miles (10-18 km) wide, and nearly 600 ft (183 m) 
deep. Blackwelder. . .correlated the maximum with 
the Tahoe Glaciation because its deposits and 
shore features are almost erased by erosions 
...(Morrison 1965:280). 

The Mojave Basin Drainage Hydrology 

While some of the general definitions of this area 
have been changed, Rogers' (1939) paper on this region, 
utilizing the geological analysis available at that time, 
is still as relevant and descriptive today as it was then. 

The Mohave is the longest river in the California 
desert area, and possesses one of the largest 
drainage areas. Although at present time the 



77 



lower half of its channel is usually dry, due 
to a high evaporation rate, insufficient run-off 
and the diversion of water for agricultural 
purposes, it often flows as far as its sink after 
a heavy storm or a winter of abnormal rainfall, and 
creates temporary lakes. In its lower course the 
river has cut a deep canyon through the beds of 
unconsolidated gravel, sand and clay which mark 
the position of the Pleistocene Manix Lake, and 
ancient catchment basin of the Mohave. From here 
the river gradient drops off rapidly for a distance 
of four miles through Cave Canyon (Afton Canyon) 
to the margin of the great Mohave Sink depression. 
Beginning at the mouth of Cave Canyon the Mohave 
has built a great delta of sand and gravel twelve 
miles long to the margin of Soda Lake. Judging 
from the evidence of well-logs, the delta must 
extend even out beneath the Soda Lake playa 
surface. On the apex of the deltaic cone the 
drainage divides into two channels, one leading 
in a northwesterly direction into East Cronise 
Lake which overflows into West Cronise Lake when 
there is sufficient volume, and the other to Soda 
Lake to the east. Here the drainage splits again 
into several shallow meandering channels. At the 
north end of Soda Lake the flood waters converge 
into a single narrow channel, which cuts through 
a low gravel divide and flow into Silver Lake. 
All four of these catchment-basins have approxi- 
mately the same elevation, and together form the 
Mohave Sink. 

Today the direction of the flow of the Mohave is 
delicately balanced at its point of emergence 
from Cave Canyon by shifting sand dunes and the 
deposition of the alluvial load borne by the 
stream. Sometimes the flow is into the Cronise 
Lake's sector, sometimes into the Soda and Silver 
Lakes area; and when the flow is great as in 1916, 
water flows into all four depressions. The flood 
of 1916 created lakes ten feet deep in both the 
Cronise and Silver Lake basins, which lasted a 
year and a half before becoming dessicated by 
evaporation and percolation. According to the 
available records (official and unofficial) this 
condition has prevailed throughout historic times 
(Rogers 1939:37) . 

Rogers also reported that in 1939 the Mohave River 
flooded and brought the East Cronese Lake up to the five 
foot level. This type of flooding has been paralleled a 
number of times since this date, and in 1978 the five foot 
level of water was reached in East Cronese Lake. There 
was not sufficient water to overflow into the West Cronese 
Lake in appreciable amounts. 



78 

Although the present catchment area of the 
terminal flow of the Mohave, which in the 
aggregate is referred to as the Mohave Sink, 
can be considered with a certain exactitude, 
insofar as present and near-recent physiographic 
relations are concerned, the earlier conditions 
with the Sink are far from being clear. Beaches, 
wave-cut headlands and tufa deposits indicate 
clearly the former presence of two large lakes 
within the Sink. For the ancient lake which 
covered the Silver Lake depression and most of 
the Soda Lake depression, Thompson has suggested 
the Mohave Lake, and for the one embracing the 
two Cronise Valleys, Little Mohave Lake (Rogers 
1939:38) . 

In an overview of the hydrology from south to north 
within the project region, there are nine existing major 
catchment basins or playas (Map 3) . Of these, four are 
directly related to the Mojave River drainage system, and 
these are Soda Lake (ca. 17,280 acres), East (ca. 1,570 
acres) and West (ca. 1,570 acres) Cronese Lakes and Silver 
Lake (ca. 7,680 acres). There is some geological evidence 
that during the Pleistocene epoch the Silver Lake overflow 
reached as far north as the unnamed dry lake that is north 
of the Silver Lake outlet, Silurian Lake and eventually into 
Pleistocene Lake Manly in Death Valley. The Pleistocene 
Lake system has already been discussed and this section is 
essentially concerned with the relatively recent hydro- 
logical conditions. 

The remaining five playas not involved with the Mojave 
River system, include Broadwell Lake (ca. 2,560 acres), an 
unnamed dry lake (ca. 640 acres) just south of the Mesquite 
Hills, Red Pass Lake (ca. 1,280 acres), the unnamed dry 
lake (ca. 1,920 acres) north of Silver Lake, and Silurian 
Lake (ca. 1,920 acres), all of which today are internal 
drainages. 

Currently in times of sufficient rainfall Broadwell 
Lake will have a surface cover of water. The basin is 
primarily filled by runoff from the Bristol Mountains to 
the east, the Cady Mountains to the west and the Bullion 
Mountains to the south. The unnamed dry lake south of the 
Mesquite Hills (TUN, R8E, Section 31 and 32) is apparently 
filled mainly by runoff from the Bristol Mountains and a 
large arroyo system that drains into the dry lake. The 
major source of runoff for the Red Pass Lake appears to be 
the western slopes of the Avawatz Mountains. The unnamed 
lake (T16N, R8E, Section G, 31 and 30) receives the drainage 
from the eastern slopes of the Avawatz Mountains. Silurian 
Lake is fed by the Silurian Hills in part, the eastern 
slope of the Avawatz Mountains and Salt Creek. 



79 



While the project region contains these five large 
playas of internal drainage, and four playas that are part 
of the Mojave River drainage system, there is an almost 
complete lack of known springs. There are only four springs 
located within the study area. Of these, three have no 
recorded archaeological materials present, either because 
the springs had been developed historically to such an extent 
as to destroy the prehistoric evidence, or that there had 
been little to no prehistoric use. The springs include Soda 
Springs, Old Mormon Springs, an unnamed spring south of Soda 
Springs and a spring called Tomaso Spring that was not 
located. A Dante Springs was reported within the area, but 
its existence could not be confirmed by the field survey. 
This paucity of springs as an integral aspect of the region 
would have affected aboriginal prehistoric use patterns. 
From the number of historic wells that exist (see page 80 ) , 
there was sub-surface water, but whether it was ever utilized 
prehistorically cannot be determined. 

As mentioned previously, there is geological evidence of 
extensive Pleistocene lakes in the northern part of the study 
area. Some of these playas, dependent upon climatic 
conditions, have been known to fill in historic time, and 
even during the survey water was evident in Silver Lake, East 
Cronese Lake, a small amount in West Cronese Lake a*nd some 
water in Broadwell Lake. The water in East Cronese Lake is 
presently diverted from the Mojave River by a railroad dike, 
and during the survey period was filled to its highest 
visible strand line. 

As a background for understanding the hydrology of the 
project area, a spring and well-log is included. This 
information was derived from a report by Judyth Reed (1977) , 
"Springs of the Mojave Basin, Amargosa and Bitterwater Area", 
that is on file with the BLM, Riverside. The paucity of 
natural springs in this region is immediately apparent 
through a perusal of the log, and relates to the distribution 
and density of archaeological sites. 



*U^~ 




Petroglyphs from Two Springs 
in the Owlsheads on the left, and 
from Cave Springs in the Avawatz 
Mountains, on the right. After 
Rogers field notes. Illustrations 
by Russell L. Kaldenberg. 



Avawatz Pass 



SPRING & WELL LOG* 



80 



Name 

Elevation 

Location 



Old Mormon Spring 

3,000 ft. 

T16N/R7E SE/SW of 32 



Silurian Hills 

Name 

Elevation 
Location 
General Area 



Dry well (dry) 

690 ft. 

T17N/R8E NE/SE of 32 

3/4 miles east of RR grade + BM/102 



Red Pass Lake 



None - 1 outside unit. 



Baker 

Name -- None 

No. /Type — Well 

Elevation — 1,000 ft. 

Location -- T12N/R8E SW/SE of 15 

General Area -- Mile east North end Silver- Lake 



Name 

No . /Type 

Elevation 

Location 

General Area 



- None 

- Well 

- 940 ft. 

- T14N/R8E 

- Baker 



SE/SW of 30 



Name 
No. /Type 
Elevation 
General Area 



None 

- Well 

- T14N/R8E 
So. of So, 



center sec. 14 

East curve of Silver Lake 



Name 

No. /Type 
Elevation 
Location 

Name 

Elevation 
Location 
General Area 
Additional 

Name 

Elevation 
Location 
General Area 
Additional 



— None 

— Well (dry) 

— 900 ft. 

— T14N/R8E SE/SE of 13 

— Well #1 

— 1000 ft. 

— T15N/R8E NE of 22 

1 mile NE of N end of Silver Lake 

-- Windmill - 64' deep. 

— Well #2 

— 1,000 ft. 

— T15N/R8E NE? of 22 
-- Near Baker? 

Windmill 



* Numbered wells were recorded by Thompson, and Old Mormon Spring 
and Cronese Spring by Mendenhall (see Bibliography) . 



Baker (continued) 



81 



Name 

No . /Type 

Elevation 

Location 

General Area 

Depth 

Measured 

Lift 

Yield 

Source 

Name 

No. /Type 

Elevation 

Location 

General Area 

Additional 

Source 



Well #6 

1 well - dug 

1000 ft. 

T14N/R8E NE of 36 

1 mile south west of Baker 

36.5 ft. 

September 9, 1917 

Jack pump - pumps nearly dry 

7 gals/min. 

Thompson, 1929, p. 524 & pi. 



28, 



Tomaso Springs 

several springs 

Uncertain 

Uncertain 

Northwest end of Soda Mountains 

Water of good quality. 

Mendenhall 1909: 55. 



Name -- Dante Springs 

No. /Type -- 1 spring 

Elevation -- Approx. 1120 ft. 

Location — Probably T13N/R9E SE of 28 - uncertain, 

General Area — On north side of Butte at Northeast end 

of Soda Lake. 

Source -- Mendenhall 1909: 62. 



Soda Lake Quad 

Name -- None 

No. /Type -- 1 well 

Elevation -- 1077 ft. 

Location — T11N/R7E NW/SW of 14 

General Area -- Approximately 1 mile south of Union Pacific 
RR Line. 



Name -- None 

No. /Type -- 1 well 

Elevation -- 1200 ft. 

Location — T12N/R7E NE/SU of 36 

General Area — North side of Mojave River rash 

Name -- None 

No. /Type — 1 well 

Elevation -- 1000 ft. 

Location — T11N/R7E S\"/SVJ of 6 

General Area -- Mojave River Uash 

Name - - None 

No. /Type — 1 spring - alkali 

Elevation -- 1100 ft. 

Location — T12N/R8E NE/NE of 22 

General Area — 1 mile Southeast of Soda Mountains, 



82 



Soda Lake Quad (continued) 



Name 
No /Type 
Elevation 
Location 
General Area 

Additional 



Source 

Name 

No/Type 

Elevation 

Location 

General Area 

Additional 



Source 

Name 
No/Type 
Elevation 
Location 
General Area 

Additional 



Source 

Name 
No/Type 
Elevation 
Location 
General Area 



Soda Springs 

3 springs Calkali) 

800 ft. 

T12N/R8E 

East side of Soda Mountains, west shore of 

Soda Lake, 

Limestone? Water highly mineralized, 

especially sodium chloride. Poor for 

irrigation. Can be used for drinking if 

necessary. Water 75°F. 

Thompson, 1929, p. 130 & 529. 

Devil's Well #1 

1 well 

950 ft. 

T12N/R8E SE/SE 

\\ miles South of Soda Lake. 

103-ft. drilled well, limestone. 

Water 78%°F. Possibly same well Thompson 

calls Soda Station Well #1. 

Thompson, 1929, p. 130 & 524. 

Devil's Well #2 

1 well 

960 ft. 

T12N/R8E NE/NE of 35 

Approximately \ mile South of Devil's 

Well #1. 

39-ft. drilled well, limestone. 

Water 73^°F. Possibly same well Thompson 

calls Soda Station Well #1. 

Thompson, 1929, p. 130 & 524. 

None 

1 well 

900 ft. 

T12N/R8E NW/NE of 4 

Between East shore of Soda Lake and West 

side of Little Cowhole Mountain. 



Name -- None 

No/Type — 1 well 

Elevation — 900 ft. 

Location — T12N/R9E NW/SE of 4 

General Area -- Approximately \ mile East of Soda Lake, 

Name — Mesquite Spring 

No/Type — 1 spring 

Elevation — 1200 ft. 

Location — T11N/R7E SE/SE of 25 

General Area — Northwest tip of Mesquite Hills. 



Soda Lake Quad (continued) 



83 



Name -- Mesquite Spring (continued) 

Additional — Ganite? Thompson reported no flow. Water 

56°F. Water very highly mineralized. Very 

bad, if not unfit for domestic use. 

Several people were reported ill after drinking, 

Poor for irrigation. 
Source -- Thompson, 1929, p. 131, 528. 

Name -- None 

No/Type -- 1 spring 

Elevation -- 1080 ft. 

Location -- T11N/R7E SE/SE of 25 

General Area -- North side of Vest end of Mesquite Hills, 

1/3 mile East of Mesquite Spring. 

Water much like Mesquite Spring. 
Source -- Thompson, 1929, p. 131, 529. 

Name -- Epsom Spring 

No /Type -- 1 spring 

Elevation -- 1487 ft. 

Location -- T11N/R8E NE/SW of 21 (?) 

General Area -- South of Soda Lake. Alluvium, water 62°F. 

Source -- Thompson, 1929, p. 131, 529. 

Name - - None 

No/Type -- 1 windmill 

Elevation — 940 ft. 

Location -- T13N/R8E SE/NE of 12 

General Area -- East Shore of North tip of Soda Lake. 

Name -- None 

No/Type -- 1 windmill 

Elevation -- 960 ft. 

Location -- T21N/R9E SE/NW of 22 

General Area -- East Shore of Southern end of Soda Lake. 



The following wells are numbered according to Thompson, 1929, 
pp. 224-25, & pi. 28. 



Name 
No/Type 
Elevation 
Location 
General Area 

Name 

No/Type 

Elevation 

Location 

General Area 

Depth 

Additional 



Well #7 

1 well - drilled 

922 ft. 

T13N/R8E West % of 1 

North end of Soda Lake, 

Well #9 

1 well - drilled 

1000 ft. 

T13N/R8E SE? of 1 

North end of Soda Lake 

400 ft. 

Water brackish. 



84 



Soda Lake Quad (continued) 



Name 

No/Type 

Elevation 

Location 

General Area 

Depth 

Measured 

Additional 



Well #10 














1 well - 


drilled 












950 ft. 














T12N/R8E 


11 












West shore of Soda 


Lake 










103 ft. 














September 


9, 1917 












December 


11, 1919 












Limestone 


struck at 


15 


feet, 


flow 


ing 


water 


at 25 ft. 















Name 

No/Type 

Elevation 

Location 

General Area 

Depth 

Measured 

Additional 

Name 

No/Type 

Elevation 

Location 

General Area 

Depth 

Measured 

Lift 

Additional 



None 

1 well - drilled 

950 ft. 

T12N/R8E 11 

West shore of Soda Lake 

39 ft. 

September 9, 1917 

December 7, 1919 

A third well at this place is partly clogged, 

Well #12 

1 well - dug 
950 ft. 

T12N/R8E SW of 27 

2 miles SW of Soda Lake. 
14.8 ft. 

December 7, 1919 

Duplex? 

24 X 55 ft. in area. 



Name — Well #13 

No/Type — 1 well - drilled 

Elevation -- 1080 ft. 

Location -- T11N/R7E NW of 11 

General Area -- Mo-jave River Wash 

Depth -- 143.2 ft. 

Measured -- December 12, 1919 

Additional -- Best water in area (Thompson) 

Name -- Well #14 

No/Type — 1 well - drilled 

Elevation -- 1080 ft. 

Location -- T11N/R7E SE of 11 

General Area -- Mojave River Wash 

Depth -- 99 ft. 

Measured -- December 5, 1919 



85 



oda Lake Quad (continued) 



Name 

No/Type 

Elevation 

Location 

General Area 

Measured 

Name 

No/Type 

Elevation 

Location 

General Area 

Source 

Name 

No/Type 

Elevation 

Location 

General Area 

Depth 

Measured 

Source 

Name 
No/Type 
Elevation 
Location 
General Area 

Depth 
Source 

Name 

No/Type 

Elevation 

Location 

General Area 

Depth 

Source 

Name 

No/Type 

Elevation 

Location 

General Area 

Depth 

Measured 

Source 



Well #15 

1 well - drilled 

1080 ft. 

T11N/R7E NE of 14 

Mojave River Wash, along Union Pacific RR, 

December 15, 1919 

Well #16 

1 well - drilled 

1080 ft. 

T11N/R7E NW of 14 

Mojave River Wash, along Union Pacific RR, 

U.S. Water Supply paper #224, p. 524 & pi 



28, 



Well #17 

1 well, dug and drilled 

1060 ft. 

T11N/R7E NE of 14 

Moia.ve River Wash, just East of Union Pacific RR, 

33 ft. 

December 12, 1919 

Thompson, 1929, p. 524 & pi. 128. 

Well #18 

1 well 

1040 ft. 

T11N/R7E NE of 24 

Mojave River Wash, 2 miles North of Mesquite 

Hills. 

12 ft. 

Thompson, 1929, p. 524 & plate 28. 

Well #19 

1 well - drilled 

1040 ft. 

T11N/R8E SW of 6 

Moj.ave River Wash 

81 ft. 

Thompson, 1929, p. 524 & plate 28. 

Well #20 

1 well - drilled 

1040 ft. 

T11N/R8E NW of 7 

Moj.ave River Wash 

74 ft. Originally 81 ft. deep. 

December 7, 1919 

Thompson, 1929, p. 524 & plate 28. 



Soda Lake Quad (continued) 



86 



Name 


„ 


V^ell #21 




No/Type 


-- 


1 well - drilled 




Elevation 


-- 


1040 ft. 




Location 


-- 


T11N/R8E m-7 of 7 




General Area 


-- 


Mojave River Vash 




Depth 


-- 


23 ft. 




Lift 


-- 


Hand Pump 




Flow 


-- 


20 gal/min. 




Measured 


-- 


December 7, 1919 




Source 


-- 


Thompson, 1929, p. 


525 & plate 28. 


Name 


_„ 


Tell #22 




No/Type 


-- 


1 well - drilled 




Elevation 


-- 


1040 ft. 




Location 


-- 


T11N/R8E NE of 7 




General Area 


-- 


Mojave River Wash 




Depth 


— 


81 ft. 




Measured 


-- 


December 7, 1919 




Source 


-- 


Thompson, 1929, p. 


525 & plate 28. 


Name 


__ 


Well #23 




No/Type 


-- 


1 well - drilled 




Elevation 


-- 


1040 ft. 




Location 


-- 


T11N/R8E SE of 7 




General Area 


**"• 


Mojave River Wash, 
Pacific RR. 


\ mile North of Union 


Depth 


-- 


150 ft. 




Lift 


-- 


Horizontal centrifugal 


Flow 


-- 


225 gals/min. 




Measured 


.. 


December 16, 1919 




Source 


— 


Thompson, 1929, p. 


525 & plate 28. 


Name 


_„ 


Well #24 




No/Type 


-- 


1 well - drilled 




Elevation 


-- 


1000 ft. 




Location 


— 


T11N/R8E NW of 9 




General Area 


-- 


Moj ave River Wash 




Depth 


._ 


74 ft. 




Measured 


«.u 


December 6, 1919 




Source 


— 


Thompson, Geological Water Supply Paper, 






p. 525 & plate 28. 




Name 


__ 


Well #25 




No/Type 


-- 


1 well - dug 




Elevation 


-- 


1020 ft. 




Location 


-- 


T11N/R8E SE of 8 




General Area 


-- 


Mojave River Wash 




Depth 


— 


13 ft. 




Measured 


-- 


December 6, 1919 




Source 


-- 


Thompson, 1929, p. 


525 & plate 28. 



87 



Soda Lake Quad (continued) 



Name 

No/Type 

Elevation 

Location 

General Area 

Depth 

Measured 

Source 

Name 

No /Type 

Elevation 

Location 

General Area 

Depth 

Measured 

Source 

Name 

No/Type 

Elevation 

Location 

General Area 

Depth 

Lift 

Flow 

Source 

Name 

No/Type 

Elevation 

Location 

General Area 

Measured 

Source 

Name 

No/Type 

Elevation 

Location 

General Area 

Depth 

Lift 

Measured 

Source 



Veil #26 

1 well - drilled 

1020 ft. 

T11N/R8E SW of 8 

Moj ave River Wash, \ mile East of Crucero. 

87 ft. 

December 6, 1919 

Thompson, 1929, p. 525 & plate 28. 

Well #27 

1 well - drilled 

1000 ft. 

T11N/R8E SW of 9 

Mo nave River Wash 

104 ft. 

December 6, 1919 

Thompson, 1929, p. 525 & plate 28. 

Veil #28 

1 well - drilled 

1000 ft. 

T11N/R8E SW of 10 

Moj ave River Wash 

276 ft. 

Horizontal centrifugal 

160 gals/min. 

Thompson, 1929, p. 525 & plate 28. 

Veil #29 

1 well - dug 

1020 ft. 

T11N/R8E NE(?) of 17(?) 

Moj ave River Wash, North end of Crucero Hill 

December 6, 1919 

Thompson, 1929, p. 525 & plate 28. 

Well #30 

1 well - drilled 

1020 ft. 

T11N/R8E NE of 18 

Crucero 

154 ft. 

Horizontal centrifugal 

December 7, 1919 

Thompson, 1929, p. 525 & plate 28. 



88 



Soda Lake Quad (continued) 



Name 

No/Type 

Elevation 

Location 

General Area 

Depth 

Lift 

Flow 

Source 

Name 
No/Type 
Elevation 
Location 
General Area 

Depth 

Measured 

Source 

Name 

No/Type 

Elevation 

Location 

General Area 

Depth 

Measured 



Source 



Veil #31 

1 well - drilled 

1020 ft. 

T11N/R8E NE of 18(?) 

Crucero 

91 ft. 

Horizontal Centrifugal 

100 gal/min. 

Thompson, 1929, p. 525 & plate 28. 

Well #32 

1 well - drilled 

1040 ft. 

T11N/R8E NW of 19 

Moj.ave River Wash, 1 mile East of Crucero 

Hill. 

86 ft. 

December 2, 1919 

Thompson, 1929, p. 525 & plate 28. 

Well #33 

1 well - dug 

1040 ft. 

T11N/R8E NE(?) of 29(?) 

Southwest tip of Crucero Hill 

12.6 ft. 

December 9, 1919 

Water slightly salty. Well is 100 yards 

North of rock hills. 

Thompson, 1929, p. 525 & plate 28. 



Name 

No/Type 

Elevation 

Location 

General Area 

Depth 

Measured 

Lift 

Source 

Name 

No/Type 

Elevation 

Location 

General Area 

Depth 

Measured 

Source 



Well #44 

1 well - drilled 
1080 ft. 
T11N/R7E NW of 33 

2 miles East of Cave Mountain 
70 ft. 

December 3, 1919 

Handpump 

Thompson, 1929, p. 525 and plate 28 



Well #45 

1 well - drilled 

1300 ft. 

T11N/R6E SE of 18 

Soda Mountains 

429 ft. 

August 1904 

Thompson, 1929, p 



525 and plate 28. 



89 



Cave Mt. 

Name 

Elevation 
Location 
General Area 

Name 
No/Type 
Elevation 
Location 
General Area 

Name 
No/Type 
Elevation 
Location 
General Area 



Bitter Spr. (outside unit) 

1,400 ft. 

T13N/R5E SW/SW of 10 

Approx. 1 mile West of Military boundary, 

None 

Spring 

1082 ft. 

T12N/R6E NE/SW of 3 

North tip of West Crone se Lake 



None 
Spring 
1408 ft. 
T11N/R6E 
Afton 



SE/SE of 18 



Name 

Elevation 
Location 
General Area 



Well #35 
1080 ft. 
T12N/R7E 



SW of 17 



East end of East Cronese Lake. 



Name — Well #36 

Elevation -- 1080 ft. 

Location — T12N/R7E NE of 19 

General Area -- SE shore of East Cronese Lake, 



Name 

Elevation 
Location 
General Area 

Name 

Elevation 
Location 
General Area 

Name 

Elevation 
Location 
General Area 

Name 

Elevation 
Location 
General Area 



Well #37 
1100 ft. 
T12N/R7E 



SE of 20 



Approx. 1 mile SE of East Cronese Lake 



Well #38 
1100 ft. 
T12N/R7E 
Approx. 1 

Well #39 
1090 ft. 
T12N/R7E 
Approx. 1 

Well #40 

1080 ft. 

T12N/R7E NW of 30 

Cronese Lake halfway between East Cronese 

& Cave Mt. 



SE of 20 
mile SE of East Cronese Lake, 



SW of 20 
mile South of East Cronese Lake, 



Name 

Elevation 
Location 
General Area 
Additional 



Well #41 

1235 ft. 

T12N/R7E SW of 29 

NE tip Cave Mt. 

windmill 



Cave Mt. (continued) 



90 



Name 

Elevation 
Location 
General Area 

Name 

Elevation 
Location 
General Area 

Name 

Elevation 
Location 
General Area 



Well #42 

440 ft. 

T12N/R7E SE of 29 

\ mile East of NE tip of Cave Mt 

Well #43 

1230 ft. 

T12N/R7E NW of 32 

\ mile SE of NE tip of Cave Mt. 

mi n 5 . 

T12N/R7E SW of 28 

2 miles East of Cave Mt. 



Name - - None 

No/Type --Well 

Elevation -- 1577 ft. 

Location — T11N/R5E SW/NE of 15 

General Area -- Mojave River Wash at Dunn, 

Name - - None 

No/Type -- Well 

Elevation -- 1570 ft. 

Location -- T11N/R5E NE/SE of 10 

General Area -- Mojave River Wash at Dunn, 



Name 
No /Type 
Elevation 
Location 
General Area 

Name 
No/Type 
Elevation 
Location 
General Area 



None 
Well 
1580 ft. 
T11N/R5E 



SW/SW of 11 



Mojave River Wash at Dunn. 

None 

— Well 

— 1600 ft. 

— T11N/R5E NE/NE of 14 

-- Mojave River Wash at Dunn, 2 miles West 
of Afton. 



Name -- None 

No/Type — Well 

Elevation -- 1086 ft. 

Location — T12N/R6E SE/NE of 4 

General Area -- 1 mile NW of West Cronese Lake, 



Name -- Cronese Spring 

Elevation -- ? 

General Area -- SE end of Cronese Dry Lake + SW base of Soda 
Lake Mt. 



91 



Old Dad 



No springs 



Rodman Mt 



2 springs are outside area, 



Cady Mt. 

Name 
No/Type 
Elevation 
Location 
General Area 

Name 
No/Type 
Elevation 
Location 
General Area 



None 

Well 

2655 ft. 

T10N/R5E NW/NW of 32 

SE edge of Dry Lake. 

None 

Windmill (well?) 

1852 ft. 

T9N/R5E SW/NW of 32 

2 miles N of ATSF RR line 



Name - - None 

No/Type -- Windmill (well?) 

Elevation -- 2000 ft. 

Location -- T10N/R5E SE/SW of 1 

General Area -- \ mile North of ATSF RR line 



Broadwell Lake 

Name - - None 

No/Type — Well (aband.) 

Elevation -- 1298 ft. 

Location — T9N/R7E SW/NE of 13 

General Area -- Approx. \ mile North of North shore of 
Broadwell Lake near Broadwell. 

Name -- None 

No/Type -- Well (aband.) 

Elevation -- 1298 ft. 

Location -- T8N/R8E NW/SW of 5 

General Area -- South tip of Broadwell Lake. 

Name - - None 

No/Type — Tank 

Elevation -- 2800 ft. 

Location -- T10N/R8E SW/NE of 36 

General Area -- Approx. 2 miles NW of Broadwell Mesa. 



Lavic 



No Springs 



Ludlow 



92 



Name 
No/Type 
Elevation 
Location 
General Area 



None 

Well (dry) 

2111 ft. 

T7N/R8E SW/SW of 33 

1 mile South of Ragtown, 



Bagdad 

No Springs 




Photograph of Bitter Springs looking towards the west and Red 
Pass Lake. Photo taken by Russell L. Kaldenberg, June 1979. 



93 



SECTION 4 
BIOTA OF THE AMARGOSA BASIN-MOJAVE DESERT 



The biota of the Amargosa Basin-Mojave Desert is 
classified predominately as Lower Sonoran life zone. Both 
plants and animals observed during the survey are typically 
found in the Mojave Desert below 4,000 ft elevation. 
Saltbush, dune, and spring riparians form ecotonal mosaics 
within this desert scrub vegetation type. Floral and 
faunal data was interpreted for 96% of the study units. 
Floral observations included both annual and perennial 
species. Faunal recordings included both actual sightings 
and indications of animals through rodent holes or scota- 
logical evidence. Plant growth and animal populations are 
regulated by hydrologic patterns throughout the year and 
aboriginal adaptation was intricately linked to this 
seasonality of the ecosystem which usually yielded low 
population densities. The ethnographically known mobility 
of these desert peoples does indicate that higher elevations 
were used for food procurement, spring utilization and 
escaping the summer heat. As Laird (1978:104) states 
"...the Chemehuevis were most familiar with the plant life 
of high and low deserts, but these wide-ranging people were 
also well acquainted with whatever grew in the mountains 
and foothills, around streams and waterholes, and in the 
river floodplain." 

Vegetational analysis lists creosote as the dominant, 
or co-dominant, species. Creosote was reported in over 89% 
of the transect units surveyed. Burro weed or bursage is 
listed as the second major occurring plant. In the lower 
elevations, on the playas, the alkalai sink riparian 
typifies the vegetation type; Salt Bush, iodine bush and 
seep weed are the major plants in the subcommunity. 
Approximately 20% of the units surveyed lie in this salt 
tolerant environment. 

In the Mojave Basin region typified by sand dunes, 
mesquite trees dominate the environment. Other plants 
usually associated with these areas include rice grass and 
evening primrose. Numerous annuals were noted through the 
study area and often formed the highest frequencies for a 
particular unit. Many composites, including brittle bush, 
cheese bush and goldenray coupled with Indian millet and 
Indian rice grass composed the bulk of these annual plants. 
Annuals may have been noted in unusually high frequencies 
due to the high amounts of precipitation during the 
1977-1978 winter. Remnant populations of yucca occur at the 
higher elevations of the study area, but no concentrations 
were observed in any of the units surveyed. Some typically 
high elevational plants such as Apache plume or the lime- 
green joint fir were noted in wash or cliff riparians, but 



94 

again formed a small percentage of the overall vegetation 
pattern. 

Faunal observations recorded by survey crews resulted 
in high frequencies of black ants, grasshoppers, song 
birds, and rodent holes. Lizards and jack rabbits were 
also commonly noted. Ground squirrels, red ants, beetles, 
and cottontail rabbits were in evidence, but not in 
abundance. Isolated or rare sightings of horned lizards, 
coyotes, rattlesnakes, pack rats, an owl, and a few desert 
tortoise completed the faunal listings. Animals that may 
occur in the study area but were not noted include deer, 
mountain sheep, chuckwallas, pocket mice, worms and larva. 
Aboriginal populations exploited the fauna throughout the 
year. Food, clothing and ornamentation were procured from 
various animals either by trapping, hunting or communal 
drives. 

The following comprise various uses of plants and 
animals by the many cultures that lived in the Mojave Desert 
region. 



Ethnobotanical Considerations 

The Mojave Desert provides a wide variety of utilizable 
plants available throughout the year to various cultures in 
ethnohistoric and prehistoric times. Comron plants known 
for their abundance, palatability or medicinal value include 
mesquite, Indian rice grass, pickleweed, evening primrose, 
beavertail, cholla, barrel cactus, creosote, desert lily, 
various sunflowers and Morman tea. 

One of the most important edible plants to many desert 
cultures was the mesquite tree. The Cahuilla Indians 
heavily utilized mesquite pods for gruel, unleavened cakes, 
or drinks (Bean 1972) . The mesquite meal could be stored 
for long periods of time in baskets or granaries. Castetter 
and Bell (1951) mention that the Lower Colorado River groups 
used large granary baskets five to six feet across and four 
to five feet high. The value of mesquite is further 
evidenced among these people by the fact that there was 
ownership of the groves by certain sibs or groups. The 
actual owning group among the Cahuilla for a grove was the 
lineage, although individual families within the lineage 
owned particular trees. A final indication of the importance 
of mesquite to the Cahuilla was the naming of the seasons 
based on the phenology of the plant. Eight different stages 
or period were recognized by the Cahuilla (Bean 1972) . The 
Chemehuevi, like many other groups in the Mojave Desert, also 
valued mesquite beans. The seed of the mesquite was prepared 
for eating by parching the bean by shaking them in a basket 
with hot coals (Laird 1976) . Although Laird does not 
elaborate to the use of the screwbean mesquite, the names of 



95 

both the plant and the fruit are given indicating a 
relationship to the Chemehuevi. Among the tribes on the 
Colorado and Gila Rivers mesquite and screwbean pods 
constituted the chief source of wild food (Castetter and 
Bell 1951) . In sum, mesquite was one of the most important 
plants for its religious and social functions which related 
directly to its gastronomical value. 

Indian rice grass was prepared similarly to mesquite. 
The seeds were ground to make a mush or eaten raw. The 
abundance of rice grass coupled with its availability 
throughout much of the year made the plant an important 
support food to many aboriginal desert cultures. Castetter 
and Bell (1951) report that the seeds from four identified 
grasses were utilized by all the tribes on the Lower 
Colorado. 

Salt bush and Quail bush are other plants that when 
ground into flour could be stored for long periods of time. 
The nutlets, or fruit, are available throughout much of the 
year. In many of the units surveyed during the study Salt 
bush was the dominant species. Usually found in areas of 
high alkalinity, these plants produce an abundance of 
carbohydrate energy for many months of the year . Among the 
Colorado River tribes Quail bush and Salt bush were both 
collected in November, pounded and winnowed several times 
before being made into a mush. The Quail bush was prepared 
by pit-baking, parched and ground on a metate and made into 
gruel (Castetter and Bell 1951) . 

Various cacti were used by many southwest and Great 
Basin cultures and were available throughout the year in 
the Mojave Desert. Laird (1976) reports that the new 
branch just budding out from the Cholla is edible and has 
a jelly-like texture when cooked. According to Castetter 
and Bell (1951) the desert Maricopa utilized particularly 
the pit-baked sourish flower buds of Opuntia gathered in 
May. The stems or pods of cholla, beavertail, prickly 
pear, and barrel cacti were boiled and eaten as a vegetable. 
The Mohave, Cocopa, and Maricopa utilized both prickly pear 
and cholla. Fruits, or "tunas" were rolled on the ground 
to remove the spines and eaten raw (Castetter and Bell 
1951) . The seeds of the cactus fruit, although very hard, 
were also eaten, and have high amounts of protein (Felger 
1976) . 

Pickleweed and iodine bush, two more phreatophytes, 
are also available throughout the year in the Mojave Desert. 
The small black seeds of iodine bush were gathered in 
December by the Mohave, Yuma, and Maricopa after frost and 
prepared and utilized in the customary manner for seeds 
(Castetter and Bell 1951) . The succulent stems of these 
two plants were gathered and used either raw in salads, 
or boiled in soups and stews. The abundance of these two 



96 



plants added variety to the aboriginal diet. 

Numerous annual sunflowers (family — Compositae) occur 
in high frequencies in the Mojave Desert, dependent on the 
rainfall during the winter months. The abundant seeds from 
plants such as brittle bush, desert sunflower, common 
sunflower, sunray, paper flower, and brikellia were ground 
on a metate to make a storable flour. On the lower 
Colorado, the Mohave gathered the seeds from wild sunflowers, 
winnowed, parched and ground them into a meal and ate them 
as pinole. Four Mohave informants reported that some 
families planted sunflower seeds much like corn. Little 
attention was given to the seeds, for they grew rapidly 
(Castetter and Bell 1951) . The nutritious seeds of the 
sunflower contain as much as 43% protein and 54% oil (Bean 
1972) . 

Many plants were utilized for medicinal purposes, but 
only a few have any pharmacological basis for theraputics. 
Of particular interest is Ephedra , Mormon tea or joint fir. 
Aboriginals reported the value of the plant in curing 
coughs and colds. C. K. Chang, Indiana University, 
isolated the active compound, ephedrine, from Ma-hu-ong, 
the Chinese equivalent of Mormon tea. Ephedrine is now 
used as the active ingredient of antihistamines. Creosote 
bush, sometimes called greasewood, was and is one of the 
great medicinal plants of the Chemehuevi (Laird 1976) . It 
is classified as a substance which ordinary folk apply to 
themselves or to others. Creosote was considered an almost 
universal panacea. The leaves were made into a tea for 
bowel problems and consumption. A gum was obtained from 
the bark and applied to wounds and sores (Mead 1972). The 
gum was also used as a sealant for pottery vessels, and was 
mentioned in one of the Chemehuevi myths as an adhesive 
(Laird 1976) . 

Other plants observed during the survey were also used 
as food, medicine and for construction. Only those plants 
that were recorded within survey transects were chosen for 
inclusion in this section of the Inventory Report. Most 
desert cultures in aboriginal North America utilized in 
excess of one hundred species for various purposes. The 
variable food plants available coupled with protein from 
animal sources made for a healthy and nutritional diet. 

The following plants constitute those species observed 
and recorded in the transects during the survey. 



97 



Creosote 

Burro bush 

Beaver tail cactus 

Jumping cholla cactus 

California poppy 

Primrose 

Pickleweed 

Iodine bush 

Winter fat 

Desert trumpet 

Skeleton weed 

Loco weed 

Salt bush 

Mesquite 

Forget-me-not 
Coyote melon 
Brittle bush 
Desert sunflower 
Paper flower 
Brickellia 
Rabbitbrush 
Mormon tea 
Prince 1 s plume 
Desert senna 
Rice grass 
Desert holly 
Sand mat 
Salt grass 
Desert 5-spot 
Ajo desert lily 
Cats-claw 
Desert spiny herb 
Purple aster 
Desert wash willow 
Sand verbena 
Monkey flower 
Cheese bush 
Cotton top cactus 
Indian millet 

Ethnozoological Considerations 



Larrea tridentata 
Ambrosia dumosa 
Opuntia basilaris 
Opuntia bigelovii 
Eschscholtzia Parishii 
Oenothera deltoides 
Allenrolfea occidentalis 
Suaeda torreyana 
Eurotia lanata 
Eriogonum inf latum 
Eriogonum def lexum 
Astragalus spp . 
Atriplex canescens 
Prosopis julif lora and 

P. pubescens 
Cryptantha nevadensis 
Cucurbita spp . 
Encelia farinosa 
Geraea canescens 
Psilostrophe cooperi 
Brickellia arguta 
Chrysothamnus nauseosus 
Ephedra nevadensis 
Stanleya pinnata 
Cassia armata 
Oryzopsis hymenoides 
Atriplex hymenelytra 
Euphorbia polycarpa 
Distichlis spicata 
Malvastrum rotundifolium 
Hesperocallis undulata 
Acacia greggii 
Chorizanthe rigida 
Aster spp . 
Chilopsis linearis 
Abronia villosa 
Mimulus bigelovii 
Hymenoclea salsola 
Echinocactus polycephalus 
Plantago major 



Large vertebrates used by the aboriginals for food and 
clothing included deer, antelope and mountain sheep found 
at the higher elevations during the summer, migrating to 
lower elevations during the winter. The meat and blood 
from these animals was eaten, the hides were used for 
clothing and the bones were split for their nutritional 
marrow. In many instances bone was also used for tools 
and ornamentation. Similar to most hunting and gathering 
societies the aboriginal groups of the Mohave Desert shared 
the food supplies within the entire group. 



98 

Reptiles were hunted by throwing stones or clubs at 
them. Hooked sticks were employed to pull lizards and other 
animals from crevices or cracks in the rocks. According to 
Fowler and Fowler (1971) lizards were captured in great 
numbers, strung together and allowed to dry. After 
dehydration the animals were ground into flour and stored. 
Similarly to other desert cultures, it is considered 
doubtful that the bones or entrails were removed before 
preparation. Snakes were utilized in the same way, but to 
a lesser degree. The desert tortoise was also prized for 
its food and the quality of its meat. Roasting pits from 
southern Nevada contain pieces of tortoise shell indicating 
food preparation practices. 

Small mammals including ground squirrels, pack rats, 
jack rabbits and cottontail rabbits were hunted with hooked 
sticks, collected in communal drives, or gathered 
individually with clubs or stones. Snares or deadfalls 
were often employed to capture smaller animals. Usually, 
smaller animals were ground in bedrock mortars or metates 
without removing the bones or entrails. 

Various avifauna, including the presently hunted quail 
and mourning dove, were observed in the study area. Other 
birds noted were ravens, magpies, sparrows and finches. 
Many of the hunting techniques used for small mammals were 
employed for birds. Dawn and dusk were considered as the 
principle hunting times, when the birds were drinking at 
springs. 

Fowler and Fowler (1971) have described the importance 
of invertebrates in the aboriginal diet. Grasshoppers, 
earthworms, larva and grubs were considered delicacies, and 
actual insect drives utilizing brooms or the pounding of 
sticks were conducted to collect this valuable food source. 
It should be observed that invertebrate protein uses twice 
as much water as carbohydrate foods. For this reason, 
Noy-Meir (1974) states that, in general, the diet of 
hunter-gatherers in arid zones is 60-80% vegetarian. 



Summary 

Traditionally the protohistoric people of the Mojave 
Basin-Amargosa Sink have been thought of as little more 
than savages eeking out a tentative existence in a harsh 
environment. People have believed that large amounts of 
time were given to hunting and gathering activities and 
little effort was spent on art, religion or social organi- 
zation. Manners (1959, 1974) felt that a low population 
density and a large territory made tribal and national 
integration impossible. Apparently an inverse 
relationship between tribal area and leisure activity 
compared to rainfall exists. Birdsell (1953) has noted 



99 

in desert area in Australia, tribal territories are larger 
and have more people, even though population density is low. 
Richard Lee (1976) has demonstrated that the Kung! Bushmen 
of the Kalahari Desert, and hunting and gathering peoples 
in general, have much more leisure time than was once 
expected. 

Flexibility, ostracism and other cultural practices 
were employed to maintain the groups stability. The 
nomadic bands of the Mojave Desert utilized a multiple 
resource existence and biotic conservation practices to 
establish large territories with scattered groups, maintaining 
a harmonious lifestyle. 








Photographs of aboriginal and historic petroglyphs at Cave Springs 
in the Avawatz Mountains. Photos by Judyth E. Reed, July 1980. 



100 

SECTION 5 
METHODOLOGY 



During all three stages of this project the transects 
selected, both randomly in Stages 1 and 2 and with 
specificity in Stage 3, for confirmation of the geomorphic 
strata predictability were more accessible than had been 
expected. This accessibility is related to several factors 

1) the extensive use of the areas for ORV activities, which 
has created roads into many previously inaccessible locales, 

2) the numerous mining areas within the project transects, 
with their access roads; 3) several powerlines which criss- 
cross this section of the California Desert, with their 
access roads; and 4) the old and new railroad berms with 
access roads which cut across the project area east to west 
and north to south. Through utilization of these various 
means of access the field crews could generally drive the 
trucks within a half mile of the selected transect with no 
difficulty. Following the BLM regulations and stipulations 
trucks were used only on existing vehicular pathways and no 
cross-country driving was permitted. The five transects 
located where access roads were unavailable were surveyed 
by employing a helicopter to reach the transects. 

To determine the precise location and orientation of 
each transect various means were utilized by the individual 
crews. These methods included triangulation with either a 
walking or a Brunton compass, pacing from a known area to 
a corner of the transect, the use of a vehicle odometer, 
geological landforms and U.S.G.S. section markers. After 
the transect corner was determined, one crew member walked 
in 27 paces from this corner, and the other crew member 
walked an additional 55 paces beyond the first crew member. 
They then proceeded to walk to the opposite end of the 
transect, maintaining the same distance from each other 
throughout the length of the transect. After this was 
completed, the first crew member walked to join the second 
crew member, and then proceeded 55 paces beyond him, while 
the second crew member walked a total of 110 paces from the 
original line of survey. Then both field crew members 
returned towards the line from which they started, 
paralleling each other as they had done on their first 
walking of that transect. In this manner the crew members 
were able to walk while visually examining the transect for 
any cultural manifestations. When anything was observed, 
the crew member would walk over to inspect a possible 
historic or prehistoric site situation, so that deviations 
from the parallel walking procedures occurred. 

On the average, each transect would take between one 
and a half to two hours for the two crew members to walk 
in this fashion, depending on the terrain and the number of 



101 



sites that were being recorded. It was not uncommon for the 
procedure of walking a transect to take longer than the two 
hour span. During the walking of each transect, notes were 
made as to the flora, fauna, and geomorphology of the area. 
On the completion of each transect, the appropriate BLM 
records were filled out with regard to transect, site and 
historic site forms. Historic site forms and site forms 
were only filled out if a historic or prehistoric site had 
been encountered during the survey of that transect. 
Transect forms were filled out by the field crew for each 
transect surveyed when the transect walking was completed. 
Each transect was photographed and, if sites were 
encountered within a transect, then each site was also 
photographed. All photographs were logged in on a 
photographic recording form. 

The transect forms are entitled the Archaeological 
Sample Unit Record, and include precise legal location, 
general location, vegetation, fauna, geology/geomorphology , 
hydrology, weather conditions, sites if recorded, duration 
of survey and survey crew members. In addition to a sketch 
map of the sample unit, a general interpretation and 
comment section is an integral part of each transect record. 
Information concerning the entire transect was recorded on 
this form, more precise data related to any sites 
encountered were recorded on the site and historic site 
forms. On these latter forms information as to the 
environment which was recorded on the transect forms was 
also repeated on the site and historic forms in a more 
specific manner. This data, and all observations as to 
the site encountered within the transect, associated 
materials, size of site, depth, features, site situation 
and comments, were placed on these site recording forms. 

Various members of the field crew maintained their own 
field journals during the survey, which they usually wrote 
up at the end of the field day. In these were noted 
details that were supplemental to the recording formats, 
but which could be utilized in preparing the final report 
at the end of the project. 

On the first day of field work the COAR met with the 
crews in the field near ZZYZX, worked with them closely, 
and demonstrated how the locations of the transects were 
to be determined, how to record the data on the transect, 
site and historic site forms, and the procedures through 
which each transect was to be surveyed. Each of the survey 
crew was present at that time and learned these procedures 
which were followed during the entire field portion of the 
project. 



102 

Helicopter Use 

Through an agreement with the COAR provisions were made 
in the contract to utilize a helicopter for transects 
situated in areas which were of difficult access. These 
transects, five in number, were located in mountainous terrain 
with no direct access roads. In part, the use of the 
helicopter was experimental to test the feasibility of this 
method of transporting field crews to conduct survey in 
difficult terrain. In addition, during the flights, aerial 
photographs were taken of the East and West Cronese Lakes 
and the Mohave Sink. 

The method devised for utilizing the helicopter was 
related to the basis for charges, as there were no costs 
for time spent on the ground. Flight time was planned so 
that a maximum number of transects could be covered with 
the amount of money allotted, which also included the flying 
time from the North Las Vegas Airport to ZZYZX and return. 
To accomplish this a two-man crew was flown to the most 
distant transect and deposited, the pilot having to return 
empty to pick up a second crew, as the craft only held three 
people. The second two-man crew was taken to the next 
transect, after which the pilot returned to pickup the third 
two-man crew to take them to the next nearest transect to 
ZZYZX. By this time, the first crew at the most distant 
transect was finished with their transect and could be 
picked up and deposited at the fourth transect. This 
procedure was followed with the second crew, so that the 
five difficult of access transects were finished. 

The five transects surveyed by this procedure were 
AM-19, T16N, R6E, Section 27, situated in the Avawatz 
Mountains; MB-516, T12N, R8E, Section 4, situated in the 
Soda Mountains; AM-24 3, T15N, R6E, Section 36, situated in 
the southern end of the Avawatz Mountains; MB-914, T10N, 
R5E, Section 24, situated in the western half of the Cady 
Mountains; and MB-971, T10N, R7E, Section 31, situated in 
the eastern half of the Cady Mountains. 

While flying over the East and West Cronese Lakes and 
the Mojave Sink, previously located and recorded sites were 
clearly visible. Some of these were sites recorded by 
Malcolm Rogers, and others were those that had been recorded 
by the field crew during their survey of transects for this 
project. The helicopter, despite the expense, proved to be 
a useful tool in the field and served as an integral part 
of the field work for this project. 



Private Lands Within the Project Area 

A total of 36 transects (listed on page 103), or 
portions thereof, were located on private lands. The whole 



TABLE 1 



103 









PRIVATE LANDS 




Transect 


Township 


Range 


Sec. 


Map 


Amount of Land 


99 


16N 


8E 


16 


Baker 


All 


201a 


15N 


8E 


16 


Baker 


All 


201b 


15N 


8E 


16 


Baker 


All 


243 


15N 


7E 


36 


Red Pass Lake 




311 


14N 


8E 


14 


Baker 


NE% Sec. Private h tram 
in private land (Silver 
Lake bottom) 


564 


12N 


7E 


17 


Cave Mt. 


1/3 sec. (west trans, 
not in private lands) 


592 


12N 


7E 


19 


Cave Mt. 


\H trans, private h 
trans in private land 


424 


13 


9 


16 


Soda 


All 


631a 


12 


8 


27 


Soda 


1/8 of trans, private 
1/8 mi long 


660 


12 


8 


33 


Soda 


1/3 private out of 
private land 


714 


11 


7 


7 


Cave 


All 


718 


11 


7 


7 


Soda 


1/8 private 


720 


11 


8 


7 


Soda 


h sec. private, h 
trans, private 


738 


11 


5 


13 


Cave 


All 


744 


11 


6 


13 


Cave 


All 


751 


11 


8 


18 


Soda 


All 


752a 


11 


8 


17 


Soda 


1/8 of sec. private 


759 


11 


9 


16 


Soda 


All 


798 


11 


6 


27 


Cave 


All 


831 


11 


8 


31 


Broadwell 


All 


902 


10 


7 


13 


Broadwell 


All 


908 


10 


8 


13 


Broadwell 


All 


1028 


9 


8 


9 


Broadwell 


All 


1049 


9 


7 


13 


Broadwell 


All 


1098 


9 


7 


25 


Broadwell 


All 


1112 


9 


5 


36 


Cady 


All 


1159 


8 


9 


5 


Broadwell 


All 


1170 


8 


6 


9 


Cady 


All 


1192 


8 


5 


17 


Cady 


All 


1205 


8 


6 


16 


Broadwell 


All 


1214 


8 


8 


13 


Broadwell 


All 


1396 


7 


8 


21 


Ludlow 


All 


1436 


7 


8 


33 


Ludlow 


All 


1454 


6 


8 


5 


Ludlow 


All 


1470 


6 


10 


1 


Bagdad 


All 


1473 


6 


8 


8 


Ludlow 


All 


1517 


6 


10 


24 


Bagdad 


All 



104 



section was private for 29 of these transects, but for 7 
only parts of the transects were located on private land. 
Eight of the 36 transects were on land parcels assigned to 
the California State School System. Some of the remainder 
were railroad owned lands and others were owned by private 
individuals for use in either ranching or mining. With one 
exception, no attempt was made to contact land owners, 
since the areas where the transects were located were 
completely undeveloped and relatively remote. The one 
exception was the transect located at Stedman where the 
modern mining operation is situated, and permission was 
verbally requested and granted for survey within the area. 
In no area where individuals encountered who denied access 
to a transect that was in process of being surveyed. 
Occasional prospectors or miners were met, but in no 
instance were these individuals the owners of the land 
being surveyed. 



Selection of Transects 

In the BLM contract the Statement of Work delineates 
the minimum number of transects to be walked during the 
survey. The total study area contains approximately one 
million acres and of this 1%, or about 10,880 acres, was 
to be surveyed. Each transect was designed by the BLM to 
be one-eighthmile wide by one mile long, and for the study 
area at least 136 transects of this size were necessary to 
total the required acreage to be inventoried. According 
to the BLM contract, transects were to be selected by a 
procedure based on a random stratified sampling method. 
Prior to the initial reconnaissance or field work the 
project director submitted to the COAR the environmental, 
or cultural, parameters for the strata selected. The 
parameters proposed originally were derived from U.S.G.S. 
topographic maps, but did not concur with those that had 
been previously utilized in other inventories within the 
BLM California Desert region. Consequently, after a 
meeting with the COAR, the proposed strata were modified 
and the following six geomorphic strata were utilized: 
Mountain/Hill, Pediment/ Arroyo, Playa, Sand Dune, Mojave 
Sink, and Lava Flow. Position of the transect, north-south 
or east-west, was chosen randomly in Stages 1 and 2, but 
in relation to the terrain in Stage 3. 

The survey of the transects was divided into three 
phases: Stage 1, Stage 2, and Stage 3. To obtain a 
labeling system for the transects, all sections within the 
project area were numbered sequentially, beginning in the 
northwest corner of the southern half of the Owlshead/ 
Amargosa Planning Unit and ending in the southeast corner 
of the Mojave Basin Planning Unit. Those transects 
within the Owlshead/ Amargosa portion of the project area 



105 

were given the prefix AM, and those in the Mojave Basin 
portion the prefix MB. Sites were labeled alphabetically 
within each transect, as MB-1404, Site A. Unworked single 
prehistoric flakes were also given a letter designation by 
some crew members, so that in the Site Description part of 
the report, the sites discussed within a transect may not 
follow in alphabetical sequence. This would mean simply 
that a crew member assigned a letter designation to an 
unworked prehistoric flake during the field survey of a 
transect. 

A transect was considered within one of the six 
geomorphic strata if the major portions of that transect 
occur within the stratum on the basis of an examination of 
the U.S.G.S. topographic maps. Transects are classified by 
the assigned stratum in all discussions of the transect 
distribution. Within any particular transect there may 
occur more than one of the six geomorphic strata, even 
though the transect is labeled pediment/arroyo, since the 
bulk of that transect falls within this stratum it can 
also contain sand dunes and perhaps playa. When a single 
site locale is under discussion, or listed in the chart 
showing the distribution of sites by geomorphological locale, 
the precise geomorphic stratum in which that site is located 
is the one specified. Although a site may be in a pediment/ 
arroyo stratum transect, it may also be situated in a dunes 
locale within that transect, and be designated as a dune 
site in the site distribution discussion. 

In Stage 1 of the survey the transects were selected 
in a completely random manner, and the six geomorphic strata 
were imposed on these random transects after the selection 
processes had been completed. The theoretical concept for 
the 30% random sampling selection for Stage 1 is explained 
in detail in Section 6 (page 108). The Stage 2 transects 
are considered pragmatically random since the selection 
process was in part derived from the results of the Stage 1 
field survey, and in part related to the attempt to insure 
that the aims of the Desert Planning Staff of obtaining a 
1% sample of the area were met (see Section 6, page 115 ff.) 
for details of the Stage 2 selection process) . Where it was 
observed that some areas had not been sufficiently explored 
through the Stage 1 selection process (overlaps for Map Key) 
transects within these sub-areas were selected through 
reference to the random numbers tables (Rand Corporation 
1955) , and random numbers were chosen until a transect fell 
within the sub-area. The distribution of the transects by 
stratum was still randomly based, although none of the 
transects chosen for either Stage 1 or Stage 2, also 30% 
of the total transects to be surveyed, fell within the 
Dune Geomorphic Stratum. Sites are located in dunes as 
delineated in the discussion on geomorphic locale (Table 8 
and 9) . 



106 

Only in Stage 3 was the selection of transects nonrandom. 
Stage 3 transects were placed according to the results of M. 
Miller's statistical procedures, derived from the predicability 
of site occurrence within the geomorphic strata during Stages 
1 and 2. Forty-two transects were surveyed during Stage 1, 
44 transects during Stage 2, and 62 transects in Stage 3, 
totalling 148 transects walked during the project. 

A total of five transects were altered during the course 
of the field work. The first transect to be altered was 
Sample Unit AM-391 (Stage 2) , located in a terrain with slope 
inclines up to 75°. On the basis of the ruggedness of this 
terrain it was decided to change the transect to another 
transect, Sample Unit AM-392, one mile to the east. The 
second sample unit that was changed, Sample Unit MB-629, 
Stage 3, was exchanged for Sample Unit MB-570, about 3 miles 
to the north-northeast. Unit MB-570 is in an area that had 
not been surveyed previously, and Stage 3 of the Sample Design 
was intended to "concentrate on areas expected to yield data 
based on prior information" (Section 6 page 120). Unit MB-629 
was situated close to transects completed during the prior 
stages, and at this period of the survey, Stage 3, certain 
areas were felt to need additional transects to insure 
sufficient sampling data. Another factor concerned the 
heavy disturbance by ORV vehicles of the terrain of the area 
where Unit MB-629 is located. Sample Unit AM-1303, Stage 3, 
located in the Bristol Mountains was changed because of the 
steepness and ruggedness of the terrain. Sample Unit MB-1534 
was substituted as it fulfilled the same areal requirement. 
The fourth sample unit to be exchanged was Unit MB-1425, 
Stage 1. Transect MB-1404 was substituted since Unit MB-1425 
spans two modern railroad berms that are in process of being 
extensively altered, resulting in a complete destruction of 
a major portion of the transect. Transect MB-1404 is about 
one mile west and one mile north of the original sample unit. 

After the process of selecting transects randomly for 
Stage 1, M. Miller suggested that some alternate transects 
be randomly selected so that should problems arise during 
the field survey, and a particular transect could not be 
walked, there would be available to crews alternative 
randomly selected transects. This enabled the field crews 
to utilize their field time most effectively without having 
to return to contact the statistician. Sample Unit MB-1511, 
Stage 1, was one of these alternative transects and was 
listed but never utilized, since there were a sufficient 
number of transects in each stage to fulfill the probability 
requirements for the sampling design when Stages 1 and 2 
were completed. 



# 



Petroglyph from Lava Point in 
the Mojave Basin Planning Unit 



107 



SECTION 6 
SAMPLE DESIGN, STAGES 1, 11, AND 111 

OBJECTIVES OF THE STAGE 1 SAMPLE DESIGN 

The prime objectives of the Mojave Basin, Owlshead/ 
Amargosa cultural resources inventory are: 

1. to provide a representative sample of the area 

2. to intensively survey this sample area 

3. based upon data and observation accumulated 
during this survey, to generate a predictive model 
of land use (both prehistoric and historic) on 
which to base further management decisions affecting 
the cultural resources of the study area. 

Because of the small sample afforded (1%) and the large 
areal population to be covered (1 million acres) the major 
problem will be in assuring that any sample selected is 
representative, and therefore valid for making inferences 
about the population: 

...precision of results depends on two factors — the 
inherent variability of the basic units and the 
size of the investigation. The more homogeneous 
the basic units, or the larger the size of the 
investigation, the more precise the results are 
likely to be (Chakravarti, Laha and Roy 1967:4-5). 

One representativeness is established, there should be 
little trouble in formulating a model based on traditional 
statistical theory. 



This section was submitted and the author unavailable 
for making changes, prior to compilation of the whole 
manuscript. Consequently, when the Dune Geomorphic Stratum 
was deleted there was no way to alter this particular section. 
Also, other modifications in the archaeological interpretation 
of sites or finds that were made subsequent to the completion 
of this section could not be incorporated into the body of its 
text or its tables changed appropriately. This section is 
relevant, however, to the manuscript as a whole, and is 
included because it describes the theoretical basis for the 
sampling design for each of the three stages of the project. 



108 



In this instance, we have not only a highly heterogeneous 
study area, but a limited investigation as well. Rather than 
"putting all our eggs in one basket", a multi-stage sample 
design was elected. In this way different sample types can be 
selected and tested in the hopes of arriving at comparable 
results through different means. Because of the choice of 
three or more stages a "concensus" can be reached which will 
aid in illuminating differences between yielded results if 
concurrence is not attained. In addition, this should also 
provide a measure of utility for the various sampling designs 
used in circumstances approximating these. 



Stage 1 Sample Design 

The Stage 1 sample design provides a base-line for 
further sampling. The Stage 1 sample is a simple random 
sample consisting of 42 transects of the projected 136 
transects needed to fulfill the 1% goal. Approximately one- 
third (30%) of the 1% sample will be the simple random 
sample. 

The sample size of 30% was chosen with an aim to 
gathering enough information on which to base the Stage 11 
design, yet leaving an adequate amount for the follow-up 
studies. 

The 30% random sample will provide: 

a) Familiarity with the terrain and logistical 
demands. 

b) Information without prior bias on geomorphic and 
ecological determinants. This information will be analyzed 
at the end of Stage 1 in order to derive strata for use in 
Stage 11, as well as give some measure of utility to the 
stratification of the sample. 

Briefly, the sample was implement as follows: 

1. The unit for determining the location of a transect was 
the section. A sample of randomly chosen sections was 
picked from which transects would be likewise randomly 
selected. There are two apparent benefits in such a 
selection: 

a. because of the larger units involved (section vs. 
80 acre transect) ; ease of selection. 

b. possible minimizing of a "random clustering effect". 
(With a small sample size, even randomly selected 
units tend to give the appearance of clustering. By 
using an initial unit equal in size to eight transects 
although the sections may tend to cluster, because of 
the element of size, the transects will not tend to 
cluster to such a degree) . 



109 



2. Sections were chosen for inclusion into the planning 
units on the basis of extent within the planning unit 
boundaries. Any section with greater than, or equal 
to, 50% of its area within the planning unit was 
considered to be wholly within the unit. 

3. Sections were arbitrarily numbered North to South and 
West to East from 1 to N (N being the maximum number 
of sections - 1504). 

4. 42 sections were randomly selected using the Rand 
Corporation tables (A Million Random Digits with 
1,000,000 Normal Deviates, 1955). Selection was made 
with replacement sections available (in the chosen 
sections, however, there was no overlay, possibly due 
to the large pool of possible sections and the small 
proportion actually chosen) . 

5. Another set of 42 random numbers, this time from 1 to 
16, was chosen to designate the actual transect within 
the section. Transects 1-8 run North-South, while 
transects 9-16 run West-East. In this fashion, there 
is no bias as to the orientation of the transect or 
its location within the section. 

In order to ascertain the geomorphic heterogeneity of 
the population, each transect upon selection was designated 
by the geomorphic unit that 50% or more of the transect 
encompassed. This results in the following distribution: 



Mountain/Hill 


12 


29% 


Pediment/Arroyo 


21 


50% 


Playa 




4 


10% 


Dune 




1 


2% 


Mojave 


Sink 


3 


7% 


Lava 




1 


2% 



Examination of the maps for the area appear to bear out 
this distribution as being relatively valid. The potential 
error is in the smaller units such as Lava or Dune 
(possibly under-represented or over-represented) . Approxi- 
mately half of the study area appears to be alluvial fan- 
pediment, while another third is mountainous-hilly. 

The Stage 1 sample aids in establishing to what extent 
geomorphology determines the site presence/absence and type. 
If geomorphology is not a major determinant, or of minor 
importance, equal frequencies would be expected regardless 
of geomorphic type. However, if, as is hypothesized based 
on previous studies in the Great Basin and elsewhere (i.e. 
see Davis, Elston, and Townsend 1974; Adams 1972), 
geomorphology is a distinct and to some extent quantifiable 
determinant, significant variation among site yields of 
varying units should obtain. Such being the case, it should 



110 



be possible to assign probabilities to the yield of each 
geomorphic unit. 

The purpose of the Stage 1 sample is to assign 
probabilities to these geomorphic units in terms of site 
potential. With this data we can then take other samples 
of varying types and continue to refine and test the validity 
of sample probabilities in terms of prediction. 

Table 2 presents a breakdown of section, transect and 
geomorphic assignment with sites located (type and 
additional comment) . 

Table 3 presents a contingency table of geomorphic units 
by site types yielded. 







Petroglyph from Two Springs in the Owlshead Mountains, as 
reported by Malcolm Rogers. Illustration by Russell L. 
Kaldenberg after Rogers' notes for M-74, on file at the 
San Diego Museum of Man. 



Ill 

Table 2 

SECTION NUMBER TRANSECT NUMBER GEOMORPHIC UNIT 

11 2 V 

19 15 M 

44 5 V 

62 5 V 

132 2 V 

135 1 V 

165 15 P 

220 7 V 

243 1 M 

250 16 V 

308 11 M 

311 5 P 

421 2 P 

494 15 P 

516 9 M 

561 16 M 

579 1 V 

631A 7 MS 

637 3 D 

693 11 MS 

779 4 MS 

902 13 V 

903 14 V 
908 10 V 
914 2 M 
971 11 M 

1028 5 M 

1032 14 M 

1048 12 V 

1112 3 V 

1180 14 V 

1181 7 V 

1205 15 M 

1206 7 M 
1225 5 L 
1296 1 V 
1309 7 V 
1348 8 V 
1350 11 V 
1372 3 M 
1404 16 V 
1517 2 V 



t=42 



112 









Table 3 












M 


V 


P 


D 


MS 


L 


Tote 


HISTORIC 
















Mining 
Railroad 
Ranching 
Road 
Military, etc. 


1 


4 
2 
1 
1 
2 


1 
1 
1 








5 
3 
2 
1 
3 


SUBTOTALS 


1 

7% 


10 
71% 


3 

21% 








14 


PREHISTORIC 
















Lithic 
Quarry 

Pottery, etc. 
Grdstone 
Hearth 
Isol lithic 
Rock rings 


4 
1 


6 

1 

2 


1 
2 




1 

1 
2 

1 
1 


1 
1 

1 


13 
3 
3 
2 

1 
3 

1 


SUBTOTALS 


5 

19% 


9 
35% 


3 

12% 




6 
23% 


3 

12% 


26 
4D" 






Table 3A 










Mountain/ Hi 11 

Pediment /Arroyo 

PI ay a 

Dune 

Mojave Sink 

Lava 


Geomorphic 
29% 
50% 
10% 

2% 

7% 

2% 


Site 
15% 
48% 
15% 
0% 
15% 
8% 


Ratio-Yield 

.52 

.96 
1.50 
0.00 
2.14 
4.00 



113 



Stage 1 Results and Inferences 



Table 3A presents the percentage yield results of 
sites found by Geomorphic Unit (labeled site %) , the 
percentage of area each surveyed geomorphic unit comprised 
(labeled Geomorphic) and a ratio of yield which was 
calculated as Site %/Geomorphic %. 

On the assumption that there is no preference, or at 
least significant preference, in favor of one geomorphic 
unit over another, we would expect relatively equal 
frequencies (scaled by sample size) in each of the units to 
obtain. While this assumption is considered invalid by 
most archaeologists ( substantial portion of the literature 
is devoted to positive correlation between geomorphology 
and site location) , for this area we have no real estimates 
of the strength of relation between geomorphology and site 
presence or absence. The Stage 1 results indicate that not 
only do geomorphic units serve as a determinant of site 
location, but also that this degree of determinism can be 
quantified to some extent. 

Mountain/Hill territory amounted to 29% of all the area 
surveyed, yet these regions only contributed 15% of all the 
sites, approximately one-half of the amount of sites that 
would be expected given equal probabilities for all geomor- 
phic units. 

Pediment/arroyo comprised 50% of all territory surveyed 
and accounted for 48% of all sites found. In this case, 
ratio is approximately .96. Pediment/arroyo yielded the 
proportion of sites expected to yield. 

Playa represented 10% of all area surveyed and 
accounted for 15% of all sites recovered, giving a yield 
ration of 1.5 (one and one half times the number of sites 
that were expected) . 

Dune accounted for 2% of all land surveyed and 0% of 
all sites recovered. Dune would be expected to yield 
approximately 2% of all sites. Stage 1 recovered none in 
the Dune areas. There are several possible reasons; small 
sample size (this applies to Lava areas as well, which 
showed a higher than expected yield by approximately four 
times) . The smaller the sample, the greater the possibility 
of lack of representativeness. Another possible cause for 
low recovery in dune areas is the nature of dunes themselves, 
covering and uncovering action of constant sand movement. 

Mojave Sink areas yielded the highest percentage of 
sites (other than the small Lava sample) ; 7% of all surveyed 
area was Mojave Sink, while 15% of all sites were recovered 
from this area, a yield of little over two times that 
expected. 



114 

Lava area represented 2% of all area surveyed and 8% of 
all sites encountered - four times the yield expected. 
Further research will aim in determining whether this is a 
true representation, or merely small sample effects. 

In summary, it can be seen that there is a distinct 
preference for certain geomorphic types to others: Playa, 
Mojave Sink and Lava over Mountain/Hill and Dune (and to a 
certain extent, Pediment which meets but does not surpass 
the expected probabilities) . 

Also of interest are the distributions of prehistoric 
and historic sites by the respective geomorphic units, (as 
presented below in Table 4) . 



TABLE 4 






Jnit 


Unit 


% 


Hist % 


Hist-Ratio 


Prehist 


% 


Prehist- 


M 


29 






7 


.24 




19 






.66 


V 


50 






71 


1.42 




35 






.70 


P 


10 






21 


.21 




12 






.12 


D 


2 




















MS 


7 












23 






3.29 


L 


2 












12 






6.00 




Historic 


Sites 


- Mountain/Hill 


and 


Playa areas 


each 





yielded only approximately one-quarter of the expected 
number of historic sites, while Valley (Alluvial Fan-Pediment) 
areas yielded almost one and one-half (1.42) times the 
expected number of sites. 

No historic sites were recovered in the dune areas, 
Mojave Sink area or the Lava areas. 

Prehistoric Sites - In the case of Mountain/Hill areas, 
two-thirds (66%) of the expected number of sites were 
recovered. Seventy per cent of the expected number were 
found in Alluvial Fan transects, while the Playa area only 
yielded 12% (l/8th) of that expected. The Mojave Sink and 
Lava areas generated the highest percentage of sites per 
unit, almost three and one third times what would be 
expected in the Mojave Sink and six times that expected in 
the lava area. Thirty-five percent of all the prehistoric 
sites came from only 9% of the surveyed area. 

There appears to be a distinct shift between prehistoric 
and historic preferences. Prehistoric peoples seem to have 
exploited a wider range of resources than historic peoples. 
Historic interest is primarily in those areas optimal for 
mining and railroads (both highly dependent upon each other) . 



115 



While prehistoric interest was in lithic quarry areas, there 
was also a heavy dependence upon the availability of free 
flowing water (without a well technology) . 

Stage 11 Sample Design 

The stage 11 Sample Design has two goals: 

a) to provide a random selection from areas not well 
covered by the initial 42 Stage 1 transects, and 

b) to provide a test of a stratified random sample 
against the prior probabilities garnered from the 
Stage 1 simple random sample . 

One of the primary aims of the study is to determine 
the reliability of a 1% sample from such a large and 
presumably diverse areal population. This is necessary not 
only for formulating a predictive model as a basis for 
future investigation, but to furnish a measure of validity 
for the data accumulated by this survey. 

With such an aim in mind, it is essential that the 1% 
sample encompass the widest possible area (to assure the 
maximum possible applicability to the entire population) . 
For this reason the Stage 11 sample consists of a random 
sample of areas not covered by the Stage 1 sample. (Non- 
coverage was defined as an area approximately two miles 
square without a Stage 1 transect.) Like the Stage 1 sample, 
the Stage 11 sample also consists of 42 transects, or 
approximately 30% of the projected 136 transects to yield a 
1% sample overall. These blocks of non-coverage are large 
enough to insure that a significant area is considered, yet 
small enough so that they are for the most part relatively 
homogeneous. Their homogeneity assures that comparisons 
within each block will be accurate, yet allows for comparison 
with equal sized units which are characteristically 
different. 

The first stratification made in the selection of Stage 
11 transects is between the Northern and Southern halves. 
There are several reasons for such a preliminary division. 

1. Logistically there is a distinct difference between 
access to sections 1-800 and 801-1504. 

2. The two units are equal in size due to section size 
fluctuation and the inclusion of odd-sized sections, as well 
as a minor effort made prior to Stage 1 in the assignment of 
section numbers to sections (duplication of approximately 20 
numbers) . 

3. On a geomorphic basis it is reasonable to draw a 
division along the section # 800 - line. 



116 



4. In a large and/or heterogeneous population, it is 
advantageous to split the area into smaller units to somewhat 
alleviate the characteristic sampling fluctuations attendant 
with such populations. 



The second stratification was based upon the units of 
non-coverage. These units can best be seen as outlined on 
the population map. Transects were randomly selected from 
within these units, again using a random number table. 
Random sections were first selected, and then random transects 
(enumerated from 1 to 16 as in Stage 1) were chosen. As in 
Stage 1, geomorphic assignments were made at the time of 
selection. These geomorphic units will enhance the nature 
of the data accumulated in the Stage 11 phase and will provide 
a basis on which to compare and test the Stage 1 results. 






The following page summarizes in tabular form the random 
sections and transects selected and their geomorphic assign- 
ments. 







Representative petroglyph elements from Kane Wash in the 
Mojave Basin Planning Unit. Illustration by Russell L. 
Kaldenberg after Malcolm Rogers' notes for M-49, on file 

at the San Diego Museum of Man. 



TABLE 5 

STAGE II - GEOMORPHIC 
DISTRIBUTION 



117 



NORTH PORTION - 



UNIT 

V 
M 

MS 

P 

D 



22 TRANSECTS 

N 

9 
4 
3 
6 




22 



%-AGE 

41 
18 
14 
27 


100% 



SOUTH PORTION 



UNIT 

M 
V 
L 



21 TRANSECTS 

N 

7 

12 

2 



21 



7»-AGE 

33 
57 
10 

100% 



TOTAL STAGE II 





N 


S 


T 


% 


M 


4 


7 


11 


26 


V 


9 


12 


21 


49 


MS 


3 





3 


7 


P 


6 





6 


14 


D 














L 





2 


2 


5 



118 



TABLE 5A 
STAGE II - NORTH PORTION 



SECTION NUMBER 


TRANSECT NUM] 


196 


7 


392 


11 


647 


3 


248 


15 


744 


2 


687 


11 


576 


4 


804 


8 


798 


11 


384 


3 


24 


7 


751 


14 


504 


14 


70 


1 


47 


1 


319 


14 


327 


13 


474 


5 


511 


11 


138 


4 


112 


6 


99 


1 


342 






SOUTH PORTION 


1362 


15 


1409 


9 


1504 


8 


1470 


2 


1414 


2 


1214 


7 


1159 


9 


1422 


7 


1478 


9 


1129 


8 


1396 


15 


1136 


3 


1339 


10 


1192 


3 


1251 


7 


1336 


11 


1170 


5 


942 


3 


839 


11 


1354 


5 


986* 


2* 



GEOMORPHIC UNIT 




M 
M 
V 
M 
M 
V 
V 
M 
V 
V 
M 
V 
V 
L 
L 
V 
V 
M 
V 
V 
V* 

* This transect was omitted accidentally and is not included in 
the overall statistics. 



119 
Stage 11 Design Reviewed 

The purpose of the Stage 11 sample was twofold: 

a) insure representation from areas not well 
covered by Stage 1, and 

b) provide a test of simple random sampling (Stage 
1) against a stratified sample (Stage 11) . 

TABLE 6 

Comparison between Percentage of Geomorphic Units Surveyed 
in Stage 1 (Table 4) and Stage 11 (Table 5). 





Stage 1 


Stage 11 


Diff 


Mtn/Hill 


29% 


26% 


3% 


Pediment/Valley 


50% 


49% 


1% 


Playa 


10% 


14% 


4% 


Dune 


2% 


0% 


2% 


M Sink 


7% 


7% 


0% 


Lava 


2% 


5% 


3% 



As can be seen, there is very little variance in the 
percentage distribution of geomorphic units between Stage 1 
and Stage 11 (at most 4%). Indication are, therefore, that 
the originally derived distribution is adequately representa- 
tive. Variance can, for the most part, be attributed to 
sample size. 

Differences in site distribution across geomorphic units 
between Stage 1 and 11 (Table 7) are not as easily explained. 
In Stage 11 the yields of Mountain/Hill and Pediment/Arroyo 
are almost reverse that of Stage 1. Stage 1 yielded three 
times the expected, and in Stage 11 yielded four times. Areas 
primarily within a lava flow yielded three and one third times 
as many sites as expected in Stage 1, yet only four-fifths as 
expected in Stage 11. 

In spite of the differences in distributions, it is still 
clear that the Mojave Sink areas (most probably due to 
available water) and the Lava areas (for raw material quarry- 
ing and production) are still highly preferred for prehistoric 
site locations, although not all utilized in historic times. 

When taking into account the differences between Stages 1 
and 11 using only prehistoric sites (Table 8) , the disparity 
is lessened somewhat. Mountain/Hill yield is virtually the 
same; other than Mojave Sink and Lava areas (which represent 
a small percentage of the overall area) , the major differences 
are between Pediment/ Arroyo and Playa. In the Stage 1 
(Pediment) sample, 50% of the area accounted for only 32% of 



120 



the sites, while in Stage 11 49% of all the sample 
(virtually the same as Stage 1 Pediment/Arroyo) accounted 
for only 12% of the sites. Stage 11 Playa, on the other 
hand, yielded four times more sites than Stage 1 had. 

Although there is not total agreement with the Stage 
1 results, the Stage 11 results concur with those of Stage 
1 in dicating that geomorphic units do help determine site 
presence or absence. 



Stage 111 Sample Design 

The Stage 111 sample concentrates on areas expected to 
yield data based on prior information. This information is 
of two kinds: 

a) prior information from Stages 1 and 11 

b) information intrinsic to the archaeologist/ 
investigator. Such information which the 
investigator has accumulated via coursework, 
reading and previous investigations in the 
study area. 

In the context of this investigation, areas to receive 
further study are: 

1. hydrologic systems - lakes, rivers and springs 

2. areas of high natural raw material yield 
(outcrops, lava flows) 

3. dune areas 

4. mountain/hill areas providing prime resources 

In specific, the following areas were chosen to receive 
Stage 111 survey transects: 

BROADWELL LAKE 

CADY MOUNTAINS 

MESQUITE HILLS (South of-) 

MOJAVE SINK (Mojave River Wash & Canyon) 

DEVIL'S PLAYGROUND 

LAVA FLOW AREA (West of Pisgah Crater) 

CRONESE LAKES 

SODA LAKE 

SILURIAN LAKE 

SILVER LAKE 

BULLION MTS 

Stage 111 

The purpose of the Stage 111 survey phase is to examine 
areas expected to be of interest. These areas of interest 
were selected on the following basis: 



121 













TABLE 


7* 














STAGE I 








STAGE II 






M# 
% 


N of 
Hist. 
1 
7 


Sites 
Prehist. 
5 
20 


Geomrp 
Unit7o 

29 


Yield 

6 

15 


Ratio 
.52 


N of Sites 
Hist. Prehist. 
3 3 
38 18 


Geomrp 
UnitT, 
26 


Yield 

6 

24 


Ratio 
.92 


V 


10 
71 


8 
32 


50 


18 
46 


.92 


4 
50 


2 
12 


49 


6 
24 


.49 


P 


3 
21 


1 
4 


10 


4 
10 


1.00 


1 
13 


4 
24 


14 


5 
20 


1.43 


D 






2 
















MS 




8 
32 


7 


8 
21 


3.00 




7 
41 


7 


7 
28 


4.00 


L 




3 
12 


2.1 


3 
8 


3.33 




1 
6 


5 


1 
4 


.80 



14 25 39 8 17 25 

sites sites 



* STAGE I and STAGE II - Sites Only 



TABLE 8* 



122 



STAGE I 



STAGE II 



M 


Sites 
5 


Site% 
20 


Geom7o 
29 


Ratio 
.69 


V 


8 


32 


50 


.64 


P 


1 


4 


10 


.40 


D 










MS 


8 


32 


7 


4.57 


L 


3 


12 


2 


6.0 


T 


25 









Sites Site% Geom% Ratio 
3 18 26 .69 



2 


12 


49 


.24 


4 


24 


14 


1.71 


7 


41 


7 


5.86 


1 


6 


5 


1.2 



^PREHISTORIC SITES ONLY 



123 





Table 9 








STAGE III 






:a 


SECTION 


TRANSECT 


GEOMORPHIC 


Broadwell Lake 


1152 


8 


P 




1049 


7 


V 




1098 


4 


V 


Mesquite Hills 


831 


1 


V 


(to south) 


835 


7 


V 


Cady Mts 


1093 


10 


V 




870 


8 


V 


Mojave Sink 


795 


7 


Mt 


Afton Canyon + 


740 


1 


V 


N Cady Mts 


737 


3 


V 




738 


9 


V 




688 


6 


MS 


Mojave River Wash 


684 


12 


V 




653A 


9 


V 




B 


16 


V 




718 


7 


MS 




720 


5 


MS 




752A 


9 


MS 




B 


10 


MS 




572* 




v* 




600 


8 


V 




660 


4 


MS 




787 


14 


V 




631B 


1 


MS 




632 


2 


MS 


Devils Playground 


662 


1 


MS 




714 


13 


MS 




697 


14 


MS 




638 


16 


MS 




639 


7 


MS 




759 


12 


MS 




731 


5 


MS 


Lava Flow 


1255 


1 


L 




1287 


3 


L 




1249 


7 


V 


Alvord Mtn (to east) 


610 


2 


V 


Silurian Lake 


9 


11 


V 




27 


6 


V 




41 


15 


Mt (spring 
to west) 



This is an alternate transect, never surveyed 
which was inadvertently included in the data 
compiled for Stage III 



Table 9 
STAGE III (continued) 



124 



AREA 

Soda Lake 

Silver Lake 



Cronese Lakes 



Bullion Mts 



SECTION 


TRANSECT 


GEOMORPHIC 


424 


9 


V 


378 


3 


V 


201A 


4 


V 


B 


7 


V 


278 


16 


V 


275 


6 


V 


238 


14 


V 


531 


14 


P 


507 


5 


V 


533 


7 


P 


501 


1 


V 


564 


4 


P 


535 


14 


V 


565 


8 


V 


621 


5 


V 


452 


1 


V 


592 


16 


V 


505 


15 


P 


562 


8 


P 


570 


9 


V 


1416 


1 


V 


1436 


9 


V 


1454 


7 


V 


1473 


6 


V 



125 



a) prior information - Stages 1 and 11 (i.e. Mojave 
Sink area) 

b) information inherent to archaeologist with experience 
in the area - lake terraces, dune, lava area 

c) areas of interest (both geomorphic areas under- 
represented and areas of archaeological interest) 
which were under-sampled in the first two stages 

Included in these areas of further interest are: 

a) hydrologic systems (lakes, rivers, springs) 

b) areas of high natural lithic raw material yield 
(outcrops, lava flows) 

c) dune areas (including dune blowouts) 

d) mountain/hill areas providing prime resources 

This stage represents 43% of the total sample (63 
transects) (Stages 1 and 11 comprising approximately 30% 
each (28 and 29%) with 42 and 43 transects respectively) . 

The Stage 111 survey yielded proportionally more sites: 



TABLE 10 

% of sample # sites ratio of yield 

STAGE 1 28 39 1.39 

II 29 25 .86 

III 43 102 2.37 



There are several possible reasons: 

A. A larger sample may tend to yield a proportionately 
larger number of sites. 

B. Simple and stratified random sampling is not the 
way to locate the most sites, because of greater 
likelihood that site locations are based on 
environmental factors rather than being randomly 
distributed) . 

C. It should also be emphasized that Stages 1 and 11 
samplings were oriented as much toward a 
determination of where sites were located as well 
as where they did not occur. 



Table 11 
STAGE 111 GEOMORPHIC DISTRIBUTION 



126 



Mtn/Hill 

V-Pediment 

Playa 

Dune 

Mojave Sink 

Lava 



Number of transects 

5 

28 

3 

17 
7 
3 



8 
44 

5 
27 
11 

5 



63 



COMPARISON: 



GEOMORPHIC DISTRIBUTION - ALL STAGES 
(in percentage) 





I 


II 


III 


Overall 


Mtn/Hill 

V-Pediment 

Playa 

Dune 

Mojave Sink 

Lava 


29% 

50 

10 

2 

7 

2 


26% 

49 

14 



7 

5 


8% 
44 

5 
27 
11 

5 


21% 
48 
10 
10 

8 

2 


Number of 
transects 


42 


43 


63 





127 



Table 12 
STAGE III - SITE DISTRIBUTION 



M 
% 


Hist. 
3 
38 


Prehist. 
5 
63 


Geo% 
8 


Yield 
8 


- total 
8 


Ratio 
1.0 


V 

% 


6 
18 


28 
82 


44 


34 


33 


.75 


P 
% 


1 
13 


7 
87 


5 


8 


8 


1.6 


D 
% 


7 
17 


34 
83 


27 


41 


40 


1.48 


MS 
% 


1 
33 


2 
66 


11 


3 


3 


.27 


L 

% 





8 
100 


5 


8 


8 


1.6 



102 total # of sites 



128 

Stage 111 - Geomorphic Distribution 

The distribution of geomorphic units in Stage 111 is 
drastically different from the two prior stages (Table 10) ; 
less Mountain/Hill, Playa and Pediment/Arroyo were examined 
while more Dune, Mojave Sink and Lava areas were investigated, 
In the case of Dune areas only 2% of Stage 1 and none of 
Stage 11 sample included Dune, whereas 27% of the Stage 111 
sample was geomorphically classed as Dune. 

This discrepancy in geomorphic units among the stages 
has several causes. In Stage 1, through simple random 
sampling, the approximate proportions of each geomorphic 
unit was achieved; by inspection, about one-half of all 
areas sampled were composed of pediment. Although close to 
the Stage 1 distribution, Stage 11 was somewhat skewed by 
stratification (strata being composed of areas greater than 
50 square miles without a Stage 1 transect) . Between Stages 
1 and 11 the major variation is between the less represented 
units (Mojave Sink, Lava, etc.), which is reasonable 
considering the small sample size. In the Stage 111 sample, 
however, no attempt was made to adequately represent 
geomorphic units proportionately. In fact, one of the 
expressed aims of the Stage 111 sample was to insure 
representation of those areas not well sampled in the first 
two stages. 



129 

COMPARISON OF HISTORIC vs. PREHISTORIC SITES DISTRIBUTION FOR 

ALL STAGES 



There is a marked difference between the distributions 
of prehistoric sites and historic sites (Table 12) . The 
prime difference is in the large number of prehistoric vs. 
historic sites - 126 versus 40, a difference of over three 
times. The nature of aboriginal life makes this reasonable, 
especially since most of these prehistoric sites are classed 
as "temporary camps". Semi-nomadic hunting and gathering 
necessitated small settlements of short duration over large 
and time-intensive structures and foundations. 

The other main difference is among geomorphic units. 
Prehistoric sites exhibit a greater diversity in terms of 
site location. Although Pediment and Dune were the most 
favored for location, a significant proportion of sites are 
found spread among the other units; approximately 10% 
Mountain/Hill, Playa, and Lava; and approximately 14% Mojave 
Sink. Aboriginal peoples exploited much of the available 
resources. 

Historic settlements, on the other hand, tend to occur 
primarily (50% of the time) on the pedimental terrain; to a 
lesser extent in Mountain/Hill (18%) , Dune (18%) and Playa 
(13%) territory; to the virtual exclusion of the Mojave 
Sink and Lava areas. Only one site was located in the 
Mojave Sink area, a water tank, and none were located in 
the Lava flow area. 

TABLE 13 

OVERALL YIELD - ALL STAGES - historic sites only 

I II III Overall Percentages 

M 1 3 3 

V 10 4 6 

P 3 1 1 

D 7 

MS 1 

L 

40 sites 

One half of all historic sites were located in the 
Pediment/Arroyo geomorphic units, followed by Mountain/Hill 
and Dune; considered to be the next most habitable locations 
for historic sites. It is not surprising that the Lava area 
accounted for no sites, or that only one was located in the 
Canyon/Wash terrain of the Mojave Sink. 



7 


18% 


(17.5%) 


20 


50% 


(50%) 


5 


13% 


(12.5%) 


7 


18% 


(17.5%) 


1 


3% 


(2.5%) 










130 



Table 14 
OVERALL YIELD - ALL STAGES - prehistoric sites only 





I 


II 


III 


Geomorphic 


Unit Totals 


M 


5 


3 


5 


13 




10.3% 


V (Pediment) 


8 


2 


28 


38 




30.2% 


P 


1 


4 


7 


12 




9.5% 


D 








34 


34 




27.0% 


MS 


8 


7 


2 


17 




13.5% 


L 


3 


1 


8 


12 




9.5% 


Stage Totals 


25 


17 


84 


T. 


126 


sites 



In contrast to the historic sites, only approximately 1/3 (30%) 
of the sites were discovered in the Pediment areas. Another 27% were 
recovered from the Dune area. 



131 



OVERALL CONCLUSIONS 



These results strongly indicate two things: 

A. prehistoric and historic sites should be 
considered separately (Tables 13 and 14) ; 

B. geomorphic units should be considered 
separately. 

Distinctive preferences exist when it is a question of 
predicting site type and location. Given a Mojave Sink or 
Lava area the likelihood is almost 9 to 1 (scaling for 
differential in site yield) that the site will be prehistoric; 
whereas sites recovered on Pediment could easily be either 
(with a slight edge toward the site being historic) . 




The Triangle or Field Road Geoglyph Site located approximately 35 miles 
east of Barstow, on the north bank of the Mojave River. Photo courtesy 
of Harry B. Casey, Imperial Valley Museum Society. 



132 



SECTION 7 
SITE PREDICTABILITY BY TRANSECT LOCATION 



In reviewing the data collected through the specified 
procedures of transect survey, the low frequencies of sites 
in certain of the geomorphic strata during Stages 1 and 2 
resulted in the accumulation of negative evidence. The 
significance of the null data must be clarified as a factor 
related to the derivation of transect location through the 
methodology of random stratified sampling. Also, these 
data must be analyzed as a part of the determination of site 
density occurrences within the study area. The negative 
data, or absence of sites within a transect, are indicative 
of no historic or prehistoric use of that transect area and 
can be correlated with site frequencies, occupation areas 
and site density patterns. For the purpose of accomplishing 
these goals on the basis of transect occurrence within a 
geomorphic stratum, a method of analysis was devised, and 
two terms more often associated with human genetic analysis 
were modified and applied to this archaeological project. 
Concordance, which in common usage means agreement, is 
expanded to mean not only agreement, but the numbers of 
sites or isolate sites within a transect; that is, the 
density of sites per transect. Discordance, which usually 
implies disagreement, is also expanded from merely 
disagreement to refer to those transects in which no sites 
were encountered. 

In Stage 1 concordance of transects for all the 
geomorphic strata was 55% frequency and discordance was 45%. 
In Stage 2 concordance of transects for all strata was 32% 
and discordance 6 8%. In Stage 3 where the transect location 
was non-random concordance of transects for all strata was 
56% and discordance was 44% (Table 15) . These percent 
frequencies of concordance are derived from the total 
numbers per stage, and the concordance frequencies are an 
indication of site densities. 

Subsequently, the concept of concordance as used in 
this archaeological context was further divided to separate 
transects containing one site only from those containing 
more than one site or those with isolate sites. It is 
possible that some of the smaller sites recorded in the 
field were actually loci of some of the larger sites, but 
this could only be determined by a more intensive research 
level survey of these transect areas. Table 15 presents 
the tabulation of the number of transects, with concordance 
for each of the five geomorphic strata within each of the 
three stages. In order to compare transect concordance by 
geomorphic strata with either historic or prehistoric site 
occurrences, a similar tabulation was used and is detailed 
in Tables 16 and 17. 



133 

In the tables in Section 6 transects listed as 
containing isolate prehistoric finds may refer to a single 
modified flake, or a rock circle with no associated cultural 
material. In addition, artifacts as an isolated sherd, 
metate or mano, when originally encountered during the field 
survey, were considered isolated finds and so recorded by 
the crew members. The BLM considers discontinuous pre- 
historic artifacts as prehistoric sites according to their 
site definitions. These are labeled now as sites on the 
inventory records and maps, and included as sites in Tables 
15 and 16. 

Isolated historic debris was not recorded as a site 
during the field work, although these finds were noted on 
the transect forms. These single historic finds consisted 
either of a tin can, a trap or other discarded items found 
usually in washes, arroyos or in areas where there was 
evidence of recent human activities and disturbance. 
Concordance of isolated historic finds in Table 17 has 
reference only to the occurrence of a claim marker within 
a transect. Claim markers are included under the isolate 
sites column in Table 15. 

In Table 15 transects with a single site, whether 
historic or prehistoric, are listed as concordant, and 
transects with more than one site are tabulated as concordant 
in the column labeled multiple sites. Transects with a 
single find, as delineated above, are listed in the column 
labeled isolate sites. When the site occurrences within 
transects are divided in Tables 16 and 17 as to historic or 
prehistoric sites, tabulation of transects with isolate, 
single or multiple sites changes. If the isolate site, 
the single site or the multiple sites within a transect are 
all prehistoric, then Table 17, showing occurrence of 
historic sites by transect, will indicate discordance for 
that transect, and the reverse if the isolate, single or 
multiple sites are historic. Where the multiple sites are 
divided between historic and prehistoric cultural manifesta- 
tions, concordance will be appropriately tabulated for both 
Tables 16 and 17, dependent on the number of historic or 
prehistoric sites occurring within that transect. In a 
situation as in Transect MB-564, Site A, where a prehistoric 
site has been subsequently covered by a historical dump, 
concordance is tabulated as a transect with a prehistoric 
site in Table 16 and an historic site in Table 17. 

During the tabulation of site occurrence within 
transects by geomorphic stratum, for each of the three stages 
percent frequencies of concordance or discordance were 
calculated. For concordance percentages, these were further 
divided according to frequencies of single site, multiple 
site, or isolate site occurrences. Totals of transect 
percent frequency of concordance are calculated for each of 
the five geomorphic strata. In addition, for each stage 
totals for type of site frequencies (single site, multiple 



134 



03 O CO 

c c u 

CO 3 





CO 




03 


M 




o> 




H 


O 




•u 




CO 


O 




•H 




4-i 


C 




CO 




O 
Eh 


•4-4 O 

o o 




CJ 










•H 










M 








m 


O 
•u 

CO 






E^S 


W 


•H 








hJ 


J= 








CQ 


Q) 






CD 


< 


U 


CO 




rH 


H 


Ph 


e 

CO 




•H CO 




T3 


U 


JS 


4-1 0) 




C 


j_) 


4-1 


rH 4J 




CO 




■H 


3 -H 




CJ 
•H 


=fe 


5 


e co 












m 










o 










■U 






a* 




CO 










•H 










sc 









C rH 
CO 



CO 0) 

C 4-1 

CO cO 0) 

U JZ rH OJ 

•U 4-) O 4-> 

•H CO -H 



B-S B-S B-S B-8 B^J B-? 
O O O O O O 

o o o o o o 



6-5 B^ B^S b>s 

oo o cn m 

m m cn i i <t 



1-^ rH rH O O On 



^ N ^ N 6^ 6>? 

cN o r-^ o o in 
vi" m so o o m 



^ ^ 8s° Ss° ^? ^ 
O vO O O O On 

cn <n m m o cn 



<JHN HO\ 



e-s th? b>s &>« bn? 

o m o o cn 
\o m m m m 



MvOHN I CN 



N ^S 6^ 6s° 6^ »N5 

o o o o o o 
o o o o o o 



a\ fN n m M < 



6-S 6>S 6^? B-S B-« B^S 

oo o r~~ cn o oo 



NCANHHO 



^ J^ 5^ ^ »^ ^' 
cn o cn r^ o cn 
cn cn cn vo m cn 



CN 00 rH CN rH -vf 



B-8 B>8 B< 6>S &•« 

o cn o o o\ 
in rH o m cn 



S\» Sx° ^ ^ .^ ^ 

o o o o o o 
o o o o o o 



b^s e^s &«$ 

r*» o •* 
m «* »* 



B*5 B-5 B*S B-S &•? B-S 

o cn o o o vo 
o <r o vo o m 



HH I <J 



&-« B-8 B*8 

o o o 
mom 



m I rH rH r-» 



B~S B~5 6 s ? 6--S 6 s ? B-S 

o vo cn <r o r*N 
m m co <* m m 



rH on m <r rH o 



^ ^ ^ k° Bs° ^5 
o <r r- vo o cn 
m <r rH m m <r 



rH r^ rH m rH m 



&-s B-S 
o m 
m cn 



HH I I I CN 



^ 












A! 








O C 








o 




C 








>, -H 








>s 




•H 








O CO 








o 




w 








U 






CN 


rH rJ 










cn 


U 0) 




CO 




rH U 




CU 




CO 




< CO > 




rH 


QJ 


•H < 


CO 


> 




rH 


CD 


-^ >, CO 


cO 


CO 


oq 


w -^ 


>^ 


CO 


CO 


ctj 


OO 


13 cO t- ) 


> 


4-> 


cO 


^ TJ 


CO 


•f-i 


> 


4J 


cfl 


CD rH O 


CO 


O 


4-) 


4J <D 


rH 


O 


cO 


o 


4J 


Cm P-i S 


J 


H 


w 


IS Ph 


Pm 


S 


hJ 


H 


CO 



rxi -^. Sn cO cO cO 





6^ 5^ ^s ^ »n? ^8 


^s 


o o o o o o 




o o o o o o 




■H rH rH rH rH rH 


(0 




rH 




a 




•u 


CN (N CO nJ H N 


o 


rH CM «* 


H 







fr-S 


&* b>s 


k» ^s »^« ^ 






in r>> 


n o o vo 






CM CM 


CO o O CO 




01 




rH rH 




u 








a 








CO 








T3 








1-1 






rH 


O 






rt 


O 






•u 


a 






o <u 


o 


en vo 


rH sr rH m 


H O 


CJ 




rH 



w 




u 




% 




o 


B*S 

"51 


u 




z: 


CO 01 


o 


C u 


u 


rt id to 




>-( rH flj 




u o u 



135 



m n s 
r^ r^. vo 



cr> v£> cm O O r-* 



O O O O O 

o o o o o 

rH rH rH rH rH 



CO CO CM «d- 



>s s~e b-s e^s B* B* 

oohm»ioio 
r^oo vD ci iois 



>5 N i>« »\° f^ f< 

o o o o o o 
o o o o o o 



b^s s-s b>? b* 

NH vO 



6>S 6>S B* B-S b* 

n n o o co 

CO rH m o CO 

H 



b*s &-s b^s b* &* b>s 

cm <y> co r^ o in 
CM rH co vo m CM 



CM m rH CM rH rH 



O O O O VO 

m cm o m co 



ONnnom 

O CM CO CO O CO 
rH H 



cm o m m cm vt 



6>! 6-S B^S 6«« &•« 
O O O O CM 

vo o vo m vo 



vo m co iH m 



B* B* &* B* B>S 

r^ co o o r»» 

vo co o m vo 

rH 



CM m rH CM I O 



6-S 


N^?i>? 


B-S B>! 


6-8 &* B^S 


O 


O O vO 


o o 


O O CO 


<t 


m o co 


O «d- 


o- m co 



I CM I HH< 



B-S B-! 

o o 

m vj- 



rH CM | | I CO 



CM St | CM r-i 0\ 



co 



rH H CD CO 

•H <j CO > rH 

33 -^ >-, cO co CO 
^~ t3 CO t-> > 4J 

JJ OJ rH O CO O 

£ rx, a, a J H 







M 












.* 






o 




c 








o 




d 






>v 




•H 








>* 




•H 






o 




CO 








O 




CO 






rH U 










CO 


rH U 










1% 




0) 




en 




HZ 




0J 




CD 


03 


> 




rH 


(1) 


cO 


> 




rH 


35 •>«. 


^ 


d 


crj 


CTJ 


DO 


X -» 


>> 


CO 


03 


CO 


*-» T3 


co 


■<—) 


> 


■U 


03 


-- T3 


03 


TO 


> 


H-l 


U 0) 


rH 


o 


03 


o 


J-i 


4-1 OJ 


rH 


o 


CO 


O 


2 Oh 


CU 


s 


-J 


H 


CO 


S3 Oh 


Oh 


B 


►J 


H 



&-; 


1002 
100" 
100% 
1003 


o o 




o o 


to 


rH rH 


rH 






CO 






4J 






O 


H<nfo<r 


rH <M 


H 


rH CM 


«* 



§ a) 



n 

c u 

co cu 

U 'M X 

w co u 

rH cd 

=«= o e 



136 



b-« b-s s-s b-« r>s b*s 

CM lO CO O O rH 

oo vo co o O r^ 



<T> in rH <• rH O 



b-s b-s &* b>s b-s b-s 

o o o o o o 

o o o o o o 

rH rH rH rH rH rH 



b>s b* r>s &-? b>s &-s 

ON vO O O O CO 
CO CO O O O 00 



;>? s>? b* fcv° ^ s* 
o o o o o o 
o o o o o o 



^? B-S B^S B-8 B* B* 

o iH o m o vo 
m co u~> t^ o r-» 



HOfOHNS 



B* &* S-S 

00 lOS 
rH CO VO 



B* 


b* b* b-« b* 


CM 


O o\ O r-» 


rH 


m H m cm 



rH -* o o o m 



rH r^ co -* l m 





G 




6* 6* 


&■* 


6* 


6* 


B* 8* &« 


S-S 




o 


B«8 


m O 


o 


O 


o 


o o o 


O 




















l*» 


CO 




CM O 


r»» 


in 


o 


o\ co m 


r^ 


rH 


cu 
u 


t 


rH m 


H 


CM 


rH 


CM CO CM 


CN 


w 


•H 


CU 














J 


W 


CO rH 














3 


O 


CO -H CO 














H 


•H 
M 


!-i -u a) 

UH 4J 
















O 


3 -H 


1 rH rH | 


1 CM 


1 rH 1 


1 H 


I CM rH rH 


<r 




4J 

Ml 


%S» 















fr* 6>! Bn? 

o m o 
m r-» m 



VT> rH | | co 



I CO I I I sf 



B-S b-s s>s &>« 

OHMO 



rH m CM CO 



rH I I I I 



33 



cu 
to > 
>% to 



M 








M 


O C 




o 




c 


►» -H 




>» 




•H 


O CO 




o 




co 


rH U 


CO 


rH U 






rH H <u CO 

•H < CO > rH 


0) 


33 


cO 


(1) CO 

> rH 


X — >> to cfl to 


M 


35 \ 


(* 




"^ -0 CO T-) t> 4J 
JJ CU rH O CO O 


crj 


->. T3 


CO 


•r-> > 4J 


J-l 


4J (1) 


rH 


O CO O 


S^fcSJH 


CO 


a o. 


Ct, 


SJH 






137 



sites or isolate sites per transect) were also tabulated 
and percent frequency of these concordances calculated, as 
well as total discordance for that stage. These totals by 
stage of concordance or discordance are based on the actual 
numbers, and do not reflect transect distribution by 
geomorphic stratum. Their importance, in particular, relates 
to the identification of the percent frequency of concordance 
of those transects where multiple sites occur that could 
obscure the disproportionate weight such transects might 
carry in overall site density calculations. In site density 
estimates for the project area by geomorphic strata, the 
confidence level of predictability for a stratum could be 
skewed by concordance of multiple sites within a few transects 
located in that stratum. When these multiple site occurrences 
are averaged to derive site density the presence of numerous 
transects with no sites in a stratum is thus obscured or 
ignored. 

Transect selection for Stage 1 was through a random 
sampling procedure as delineated by the COAR. Twenty-eight, 
or 42 transects, of the total number, 148 transects, were 
surveyed during this stage. When Stage 1 was completed 
there were still large areas within the Planning Unit in which 
no transects had been placed. To insure that random selection 
of transects were distributed throughout the study area, a 
pragmatic random sampling procedure was used to determine the 
locations of the 44 transects for Stage 2 (Section 6, page 115) 
The selection was pragmatic in that, although transects were 
chosen randomly, they were included in Stage 2 only if the 
transect fell within an area where no Stage 1 transects had 
occurred (Section 6, page 119). These 44 Stage 2 transects 
totaled over 30% of the total transect number. As a 
consequence of this procedure, 58% of all the transects in 
the sampling universe contained transects that had been 
selected on the basis of a random sampling method (Stages 1 
and 2) . The 62 Stage 3 transects, or 42% of the total 
transects, were non-randomly selected and, although still 
identified as to one of the five geomorphic strata, were 
located within those strata where site predictability had 
shown greater frequencies of concordance, indicative of a 
higher level of confidence (Section 6, page 120). The 
following four sketch maps outline the position of all the 
transects (Map 8), and those for Stages 1, 11, and 111. 

During the field work for Stage 1, it was observed that 
the sand dune geomorphic stratum was not a viable entity as 
a stratum, as no sand dune locales within the project area 
proved sufficiently large that they equal 50% or more of the 
size of any one transect, as based on the U.S.G.S. topo- 
graphic maps. As stated in the section on Methodology, the 
geomorphic stratum of a transect is determined if 50% or 
more of the transect falls within that geomorphic stratum. 
There are numerous sand dunes within the project area, 
especially in the vicinity of East and West Cronese Lakes 



138 



MAP NO. 7 



OWLSHEAD AMARGOSA 
MOJAVE BASIN 

Transect Locations 



stages i,n,m 



Owlshead/Amargosa 
Planning Unit 



Mo.iave Basin 

Planning unit 




130 



MAP NO. 8 



Stage I 



Owlshead/Amargosa 
Planning Unit 



Mojave Basin 
Planning Unit 




Stage H 



140 



MAP No. 9 



Owlshead/Amargosa 
Planning Unit 



Mojave Basin 
Planning Unit 




141 



Stage m 



MAP No. 10 



Owlshead/Amargosa 
Planning Unit 



Mojave Basin 
Planning Unit 




142 



and the Mojave River, but they are smaller than 50% of any 
transect. Only one transect in Stage 1 was listed by Miller 
as a dune area, but on later consideration was reassigned 
to the Mojave Sink stratum. Although in Section 6 thirty 
prehistoric sites are listed as being situated in dunes, 
this refers to the immediate locale of the site and not to 
the entire transect designation. Since the majority of the 
sand dunes actually occur in the Mojave Sink stratum, the 
dune stratum is effectively merged with the Mojave Sink 
stratum for the southern Owlshead/Amargosa and Mojave Basin 
Planning Unit, and not included in Tables 15 through 17 or 
considered further in this discussion. 

In dividing the project into three stages, since there 
was only a minimum of 136 transects required by the BLM to 
concur with the 1% level of the sampling with five geomorphic 
strata within each stage, the total actual numbers for 
transect concordance or discordance are small. When these 
numbers are further subdivided into transects with single or 
multiple sites or isolate sites, as well as historic or 
prehistoric site occurrences, the number of transects for 
any specific factor is even smaller. For this reason, 
percentages were calculated for each factor so that percent 
frequencies of occurrence could be presented in tabular form 
(Tables 15, 16 and 17) for comparison of these various 
environmental and cultural factors and the inferential 
determination of site density by stratum. 

The number of transects for any one geomorphic stratum 
tends to be related to the proportional distribution of that 
stratum within the Planning Unit or the sampling universe. 
The five geomorphic strata are representative of environmental 
zones and were selected as a classification of the major 
terrain variations that occur within the project area. Site 
frequencies are shown as percentages within these strata, 
since they are a clearer presentation than the raw number data 
for each stage. 

Discordance frequencies of 33% to 81% in the mountain/ 
hill, pediment/arroyo and playa strata occur during Stages 1 
and 2, Table 15. In Table 16, where the occurrence of only 
prehistoric sites in transects is recorded, discordance in 
both Stages 1 and 2 increases to over 60% for these three 
strata. In Stage 1 of Table 17, the drop in discordance for 
the transect occurrence of historic sites in the pediment/ 
arroyo and playa strata, is a reflection of mining activities 
in the pediment/arroyo stratum and railroad activities in 
the playa stratum. Discordance of historic site occurrence 
in Stage 1 transects for the other strata, mountain/hill, 
Mojave Sink and Lava, is over 80%. For Stage 2 discordance 
of historic site occurrence for all strata is 86% or more. 
The confidence level for predicting historic site occurrence 
through any of the geomorphic strata is not high, as is 
immediately apparent in reviewing the discordance percentages 



143 



in Stage 3 where transects were non-randomly selected. Only 
the mountain/hill and playa strata show any degree of 
concordance. The 50% mountain/hill historic concordance 
relates to mining activities, while the 50% concordance in 
the playa stratum reflects railroad oriented sites. 

In Stage 3 discordance for the occurrence of all site 
types has a frequency of under 5 0% for the five strata. 
When selecting the non-random locations for the Stage 3 
transects data feedback from the field work for Stages 1 
and 2 determined the positioning of the transects in 
geomorphic strata (Section 6, page 125). Discordance 
percentages are under 50% for the occurrence of all site 
types within the strata, the frequency of 57% for pediment/ 
arroyo being the highest discordance for a stratum in Stage 
3 (Table 15) . When prehistoric site occurrence only within 
Stage 3 transects is considered, the overall comparison of 
discordance/concordance is 27% to 73% (Table 16) . The 
concordance is high for mountain/hill, and relates to the 
dependence of aboriginal use on this environmental zone for 
quarrying activities. Even in Stage 3, where transects were 
non-randomly selected, the discordance percentages are not 
extremely low, with the exception of mountain/hill and playa, 
which is a factor of the number of transects in which no 
cultural manifestations were observed, or null data. 

As mentioned earlier, the occurrence of multiple sites 
within one transect, if not segregated as a specific factor, 
can disproportionately weight site frequency analysis and 
attempted site density prediction. Since the clustering of 
historic sites frequently has relevance to a particular 
economic activity source or to railroad berms, prehistoric 
sites only are included in this consideration of site 
density. During Stage 1 and 2 no more than nine transects 
for each of the five geomorphic strata contained multiple 
prehistoric sites (Table 16) . The one Stage 1 transect 
with multiple sites in the pediment/arroyo stratum has a 
low frequency, 17%, relative to the total number of transects 
with concordance in Stage 1. Those transects with multiple 
sites in the Mojave Sink stratum have a frequency of 50% of 
the total number of Stage 1 transects with concordance. The 
four Stage 2 transects with multiple prehistoric sites occur 
one each in the mountain/hill, pediment/arroyo, playa and 
Mojave Sink strata with a frequency of 36% of the total 
number of transects with concordance. During Stage 3, 
transects with multiple prehistoric sites increase to six 
within the pediment/arroyo stratum, or 60% of the total 
concordance; and five in the playa stratum, or 100%; three 
in the Mojave Sink, a frequency of 60% of the total concor- 
dance; and one transect with multiple sites, or 50% 
frequency, in the lava stratum. These multiple site 
transect concordances are an indication of increased 
aboriginal use of these environments prehistorically within 
certain locales. In the environmental discussion of the 



144 



frequencies of site distribution, independent of transect 
geomorphic stratum determination, there is a clear 
indication of the correlation of prehistoric sites within 
locales whose biotic resources were known to be exploited 
ethnographically . 

An aspect of this 1% survey of the project area is the 
expectation that some reliability can be placed on data 
derived from this percent frequency of observation for 
establishing site prediction within a designated region. 
Percent frequencies of concordance in transects located 
within four of the five geomorphic strata give some measure 
of the confidence level for site prediction that has resulted 
from this project. The frequency of occurrence of isolate, 
single and multiple sites per transect are an indication of 
the density of sites within this 1% of the acreage of the 
Planning Unit. A better reflection of density is the type 
of geomorphic locale (not the geomorphic stratum of the 
transect) in which the site is situated. In Tables 18 and 19, 
which list site frequency by the geomorphic locales of the 
site, high frequencies of site percentages occur within the 
sand dune locale and the Mojave Sink locale areas. The 
pediment geomorphic locale also has high site frequencies 
which is interpreted as the aboriginal exploitation of the 
float materials available for quarrying and manufacture of 
lithic artifacts. 

In a retrospective review of the sampling design (Section 
6) and the delineation of the project transects into three 
stages, it is now believed that a two stage sampling design 
might have proved simpler. Also, in consideration of the 
purpose for which Stage 2 was used, that of insuring transects 
positioned throughout the Planning Unit, a larger Stage 1 with 
perhaps 60 transects would have effectively provided this 
distribution. It is suggested, based on the results and 
analysis of field research, that an initial stage containing 
about 40% of the transects should have been established 
through a random stratified sampling procedure. It is 
interesting that in Stage 2 the randomly selected 44 transects 
show a significantly lower total concordance, 32%, than the 
Stage 1 transects, 55%. In fact, when total transects for 
these two randomly selected stages are combined concordance 
is 43% and discordance is 57%. Random selection of transects 
provides clues as to site patterning, but essentially there 
is less than a 50% chance that sites will occur within a 
randomly selected transect for this project area when based 
on a 1% sample. Field reconnaissance, prior to devising the 
parameters of the geomorphic strata is advised, since in this 
project area the information obtained would have led to the 
merging of sand dune stratum with that of the Mojave Sink 
with regard to transect stratum designation only. Sand dune 
locales, from the site frequencies calculated for this 
project, were valuable prehistoric resources. 



145 



The procedure of random sampling, utilizing imposed 
geomorphic strata for the initial stage of this project, was 
productive in demonstrating what areas and resources were 
exploited prehistorically, as compared with the historic use 
patterns. Subsequent to the completion of the first stage, 
the second stage should have included the remaining 60% of 
the transects, which would have then been located within 
those geomorphic strata showing higher transect concordance 
to either confirm the concordance or indicate discordance 
with the additional data base. The helicopter could have 
been used as part of the first stage, at the end, and just 
prior to beginning the second stage. In this way accessibly 
difficult transects could be reached and simultaneously 
aerial overviews could be used for determining transect 
locations for the second and non-random stage of the project. 

The inclusion of null data through the use of the 
concept of concordance and discordance has proven a useful 
tool in the interpretation of the data resultant from the 
field survey. Negative information is a significant factor 
in any attempt to predict site frequencies, densities or 
confidence levels for a project area in which the transects 
cover little more than 1% of the actual acreage. Discordance 
clarifies the use of percent frequencies of occurrence where 
high frequencies appear, but are derived from a small actual 
amount of data. A 100% concordance for a transect in a 
geomorphic stratum may merely be the reflection of one 
transect for that stratum in a particular stage, and not of 
predictive value nor an indication of site density. 

One of the problems of transect concordance/discordance 
for geomorphic strata relates to the statement of Morrison 
(1965) that in the southern Great Basin the pediment valleys 
are wider. This statement offers an explanation of the 
differences observed between the transect geomorphic strata 
lower concordance frequencies and the site geomorphic locale 
higher frequencies. In the wider valleys of the southern 
Great Basin, one transect a mile long may span several of 
the five geomorphic strata delineations, but be given the 
designation of that geomorphic stratum which occupies 50% 
or more of the total transect. Since nearly 30% of the 
transects contain multiple strata, transect designation by 
geomorphic stratum tends to incorporate too many environ- 
mental variables in the wider valleys of the southern portion 
of the Great Basin in which the project area is located. 
This factor is effectively seen in the lower transect 
frequencies of concordance within geomorphic strata. 

To draw final conclusions from transect concordance 
alone would prove unreliable as to the actual prediction of 
site densities for any specific environmental locale. For 
that information, it is necessary to consult the precise 
environs of the site itself, using the six geomorphic strata 
delineated for the transects, but with reference to the 



146 



specific geomorphic locale where the site is situated. The 
results of this analysis shown in Tables 18 and 19 are 
utilizable in site prediction by geomorphic locale, and in 
the determination of confidence levels with regard to this 
distribution as well as the site densities of site types 
within the Planning Unit. 

In the consideration of site distribution within this 
project area there are factors which affect any interpretation 
of these sites, or the artif actual patterns within them. 
Historically this area has been researched by archaeologists 
over time, so that there is recorded data about sites, their 
artif actual associations and their features, particularly in 
the Cronese Lake and Mojave Sink areas. 

Since the time when archaeologists began recording sites 
in the project area during the 1920s and 1930s, and the time 
of field observations of these same sites by the crew members 
for this project, there has been destruction and disturbance 
through erosional and climatic conditions, as well as an 
accelerated human impact on archaeological sites through the 
heavy use of the area as a center for recreational activities. 
On several occasion when field crew were surveying during 
weekends or holidays, particularly in the Mojave Sink area, 
groups of 20 to 30 recreational vehicles towing dune or dirt 
bikes were observed. This is indicative of the ongoing type 
of impact that has been occurring, particularly in dune 
locales in the Mojave Sink area within the past ten years. 

During the project no transects directly involved the 
historic Mojave Trail or the Old Government road, which 
passes through the Planning Unit in parts of Soda Lake, 
Mojave Sink and the Afton Canyon of the Mohave River. The 
trail is discussed in the Historic section by Roske, and 
has been fully described by Dennis Casebier (1975) . 




Petroglyphs from Rock Corral 
as noted by Malcolm Rogers. 
Illustration by R. Kaldenberg, 
after Rogers' notes from M-133 
on file at the San Diego 
Museum of Man. 



147 



SECTION 8 
ARCH7AEOLOGICAL SITE INTERPRETATION 



Background 

As in many other areas of the Mohave Desert, within 
the project area the first archaeological work of any 
substance was carried out by Malcolm Rogers during the 1920s, 
Rogers, working under the auspices of the San Diego Museum 
of Man, began intensive research and made extensive 
collections from the study area and the adjacent regions. 
This earlier work was followed in the 1930s by widespread 
research in the Lake Mohave area by E. and W. Campbell, who 
published through the Southwest Museum, Los Angeles. In a 
number of these projects they were aided by Charles Amsden 
of the Southwest Museum. This early work has been followed 
more recently by the research of Ruth D. Simpson in the 
Manix Lake area; T. Orr and C. Warren; Warren, DeCosta, 
Brainard, and others who have worked in both the Silver Lake 
and Soda Lake area. W. Venner and J. Benton have recently 
excavated a small shelter site north of Baker in the Silver 
Lake area. 

To date, many authors feel that "what are probably the 
earliest remains of human activity in the California desert 
are, at present, not adequately dated or described. It is 
not known what plants and animals lived in the vicinity of 
the sites, nor is it understood how artifacts found at the 
sites were used" (King et al. 1967:21). Hester (1973) has 
remarked that, 

So many cultural-chronological sequences have 
been proposed for the Mohave Desert that it is 
difficult to know just where to begin to sort 
them out. There are a number of claims of extreme 
antiquity for man's presence in the Mohave region. 
Simpson. . .proposed a Manix Lake Lithic Industry 
which she placed in excess of 20,000 years of age. 
However, more recent finds by Simpson (in 
association with L. S. B. Leakey) have been made 
in the Calico Hills area. Although there have 
been claims that these finds date back more than 
100,000 years..., most archaeologists remain 
unconvinced that the lithic materials found at 
the site are indeed the result of human 
manufacture (Hester 1973:73). 

Prior to Warren and Crabtree ' s recent (in press) 
description of their southwestern Great Basin data, a 
number of different chronologies have been utilized. Donnan 
(196 4) described the sequence as Tule Springs, Lake Mohave- 
Playa, Pinto Basin, Amargosa, Non-Yuman, Yuman and 



148 



Shoshonean; Hester (1973) as San Dieguito, Pinto, Amargosa 
and Yuma-Shoshonean; and T. King (1976) as Pre-Projectile 
San Dieguito, Pinto, Amargosa, Yuman-Shoshonean. 

Pre-Projectile Point Stage . The dating and validity 
of this stage has been debated for several years entirely 
on the basis of sites which contain crude choppers, scrapers, 
cores, and other lithic implements. In the Mohave Desert 
region R. D. Simpson has assigned a date of 15,400-16,000 
B.C. for her Manix Lake lithic assemblages (T. King 1976) . 
While this stage may be possible for the region, the 
unequivocal evidence for such a stage has yet to be presented 
and accepted by both regional specialists and archaeologists 
at large. Donnan's (1964) proposed Tule Springs Stage 
appears to be subsequent to the last of this Pre-Projectile 
Stage. 

San Dieguito Complex . This stage is the earliest 
archaeological sequence to be accepted for the Mohave Desert 
region and was described by C. N. Warren (1967) as a 
"generalized hunting tradition". Artifact assemblages for 
the San Dieguito complex include crescents, ovate points, 
planes, borers, thin biface knives, end and side scrapers, 
choppers, cobble hearths, lanceolate bifaces and Lake 
Mohave and Silver Lake points (T. King 1976) . San Dieguito 
sites usually occur near playa edges and may have been 
occupied during the time of relatively greater effective 
moisture. 

In 1937 the Campbells proposed an industry known as the 
Lake Mohave Industry, which is derived from sites which are 
located on old beaches and terraces of the Pleistocene Lake 
Mohave. Rogers (1939) established a Playa Industry based 
on sites located in the Mohave and Colorado Deserts of 
California and a portion of western Arizona. Both of these 
industries are based primarily on a hunting subsistence 
pattern. They resemble each other, and also the San Dieguito 
Complex from San Diego County, California. Warren and True 
(1961:271) stated that: 

Considering the data now available there appears 
to be strong evidence that the Playa Industry 
described by Rogers (1939) , the Lake Mohave Complex 
(Campbell et al, 1937) and the San Dieguito Complex 
are roughly contemporaneous and share many traits 
which set them off as an early cultural horizon 
extending across Southern California. 

Warren (1967) and Hester (1973) suggest that the complex 
had a terminal date of 6,000 to 7,000 B.C. Woodward and 
Woodward (1966) state that according to their geological 
dates in the Lake Mohave study area some of the sites may 
extend to 4,500 B.C. 



149 



Pinto Basin Complex . It has been suggested that, in 
the Mohave Desert, the Pinto Basin Complex follows that of 
the San Dieguito Complex. This stage is delineated by 
surface camps, which usually contain lanceolate points 
with weak shoulders, and short stems in various forms 
(Clewlow 1968) . Also contained in the sites are metates, 
manos, choppers, scrapers and numerous other lithics. 

The subsistence pattern of this complex still appears 
to be heavily weighted toward hunting, but with the 
increased exploitation of seeds and plants. The number 
of hunting tools, in comparison with the number of plant 
processing tools found in the sites, tend to support this 
proposal. 

This complex is thought to have begun between 6,000 and 
7,000 B.C. according to Antevs (1952), but there are 
conflicting dates suggested by other authors. These other 
proposed dates tend to average a time period for the begin- 
ning of this site complex at around 3,000 B.C. and a 
continuation to between 500 B.C. to A.D. 0. Hester and 
Heizer (1973) also suggest that in the Mohave Desert some 
of the more recent components, as Silver Lake Points, may 
bridge the time between San Dieguito and Pinto Basin 
Complexes. 

Amargosa Complex. As Hester points out, this complex 
is so little known that its chronological boundaries are 
unclear. First defined by Rogers in 1935, he divided the 
Amargosa Complex into two phases; one characterized by 
large corner and side notched points and the other by a 
decrease in the size of the point types. Wallace (1962) 
has suggested that the second phase is better defined 
archaeologically, and has linked it with Anasazi 
occupations in the Mohave Desert when these people 
exploited turquoise deposits there. A temporal span from 
A.D. to A.D. 500 has been proposed by Rogers and others 
for this complex, but Lanning (1963) equates the Amargosa 
Complex with the Middle Rose Springs sequence of ca. 500 
B.C. to A.D. 500. 

Yuman-Shoshonean Complex . The Amargosa complex is 
followed by the Yuman-Shoshonean complex, which has 
probably late prehistoric and historic sequences occurring 
in the Mohave Desert. The Yuman phase initially was 
characterized by small points, an extensive ground stone 
industry and the absence of ceramics (T. King 1976) . 
Dates of this complex vary, depending on the part of the 
Mohave Desert in which sites are found. In the Providence 
Mountain area a date of A.D. 800 to A.D. 1400 is related 
to the Yuman phase. "Donnan (1964) has proposed a more 
complex cultural sequence of a Non-Ceramic Yuman Horizon 
ending ca. A.D. 700, a Yuman Horizon characterized by 
various ceramics from A.D. 800 to A.D. 1400, a Shoshonean 



150 



Horizon of intrusive Southern Paiute peoples from A.D. 1400 
to A.D. 1850, and a protohistoric Desert Mohave Indian 
occupation from ca . A.D. 1790-1815" (T. King 1976:133). In 
his summary of the various views on the overall complex, 
King (1976) follows Donnan's sequence of phases with a 
modification of the Mohave Indian occupation. The proto- 
Historic phase King suggests is "locally characterized by 
Serrano and Vanyume occupations from ca. A.D. 1776 to 
A.D. 1900" (1976:135-136). 

In a recent revision of the chronological sequences of 
the southwestern Great Basin, Warren and Crabtree (in press) 
have proposed five periods. The suggested chronological 
sequence is based on a broad range of site analysis and 
sequences within the southwestern Great Basin area, whereas 
many of the other chronologies are based more on the Mojave 
Desert region of southern California. 

Period I, Lake Mojave, is the earliest and is further 
divided into three complexes. Complex A consists of fluted 
points which at this time are not fully documented, as they 
are isolated surface finds with no other archaeological 
association. Complex B is the San Dieguito, which has been 
dated from before 7,000 B.C. to about 6,000 B.C., and 
includes leaf shaped points, knives, crescents and various 
domed scrapers. "This assemblage exhibits a relatively 
crude stone flaking technology producing irregular edges, 
deep bulbs of percussion and step fractures, irregular 
surfaces, and flat, crushed edge surface as if supported 
on an anvil" (Warren and Crabtree, m.s.:8). Complex C is 
the Haskomat Complex, which is found primarily in the 
northwestern Great Basin, but appears to contain lithic 
shapes, some of which are similar to those found in the San 
Dieguito Complex. In the north, the Haskomat Complex has 
been dated from about 8,000 to 5,000 B.C. Warren and 
Crabtree (in press) suggest that Period I complexes repre- 
sent a hunting technology and may have been adapted to a 
lakeside environment. There is an apparent complete lack 
of seed grinding implements. 

Period II is designated as Pinto and has been dated 
from about 5,000 to 2,000 B.C. The artifact assemblage 
is similar to that already described for Pinto Basin, but 
Warren and Crabtree (in press) mention the use of seed 
grinding equipment during this period, although they feel 
it never played as significant a role as in other desert 
cultures. 

Period III is called Gypsum and is dated from about 
2,000 B.C. to A.D. 500. The most frequently encountered 
projectile point types are Elko eared, Elko corner notched, 
Gypsum Cave and Humboldt concave base. Associated with 
these are some metates and manos, knives, scrapers, drills 
and shell and stone beads. "More diagnostic traits 



151 

include the introduction of incised and painted pebbles 
and slate tablets, and the presence of split-twig figurines 
and petroglyphs of animals in associations that suggest 
well developed hunting ritual" (Warren and Crabtree, m.s. 
:18). 

Period IV, Saratoga Springs, is dated from about A.D. 
500 to A.D. 1,000. Projectile point sizes are reduced and 
are represented by Rose Springs side notched, Rose Springs 
corner notched, Rose Springs contracting stem, and Cotton- 
wood triangular points associated with grinding tools, 
incised stones and slate pendants. 

Period V is called Shoshonean and is dated from about 
A.D. 1,000 to the time of historic contact. Desert side 
notched projectile points are well represented, as are 
triangular knives, mescal knives, incised stones, plain 
sherdwares, and numerous unshaped manos and metates. "The 
characteristic assemblage for Period V apparently represents 
the development and dispersion of Shoshonean peoples across 
the Mohave" (Warren and Crabtree, m.s.: 2 3). 

Results of Site Type Analysis 

Within this section the discussion is concerned only 
with the analysis of historic and prehistoric site types 
(not the isolate prehistoric sites) , that were encountered 
within transects, as these relate to the geomorphic locale. 
The site geomorphic locale is the immediate environment in 
which a site is situated within the transect, while a 
geomorphic stratum refers to the geomorphic designation of 
the entire transect. Transects are classified within a 
geomorphic stratum if 50% or more of the transect falls 
within that geomorphic designation. The six geomorphic 
designations were determined by the COAR, and include 
mountain/hill, pediment/arroyo, dunes, Mojave Sink, lava, 
and playa. As was explained in the consideration of site 
occurrence frequencies by transect, the southern Great 
Basin pediment valleys are wide, and several different 
environmental locales can occur within a one mile long 
transect. Consequently, in analyzing actual site 
frequencies, geomorphic locales are more precise 
specifications for deriving some estimate of potential 
site prediction or site densities for the project area. 

Types of sites encountered in the survey are grouped 
as mining activity, trash dumps, ranching, historic rock 
circles, historic camps and towns, water tanks, railroad, 
mixed historic and prehistoric materials, prehistoric 
lithics, prehistoric temporary camps, milling stations, 
pottery locus, and rock circle (prehistoric). Table 18 
demonstrates the distribution frequencies of these site 
types within the six designated geomorphic locales by stage. 



152 



cd cs 

rH 



> 

cd cm 

h-3 







^ 






e 






•H CO 






CO 






0) CN 






> 






cd 






•nH 






o 




w 


s 




o 






►J 


CO 
CO 




3 






u 


3 




M 


a 


00 


8 


rH 


w 


o 




hJ 


33 




5 


a 


4J 


H 


o 


£3 co 




2 


0) 




O 

w 


Ics 




o 


^3 
0) 




co 


tU rH 




> 






w 






H 


H 




H 


H 




M 


•H 

33 



vO 


vO 


vO 


CM 


rH 


m 



>» 
















rH 


CO 


C 










■U 














CJ 


cd 


(X 


o 










•H 








CO 






•H CJ 


•H 


1 


•H 


CO 








> 






CO 


i 






U -H 


M 


4J 


3 








•H 


CO 




0) 


CO 




O M 


QJ 


u 


cd 


CJ 


01 






•u 


o. 




rH ^-s 


o 


^ 




4J C 


■u 




4J 


o 


rH 






CJ 


a 




CJ O 


H 


s 




CO 4J 


£ 


£n 


CO 


►J 


CJ 






<5 


3 


60 


J-i -H 




cd 


T3 


•H CO 


U 






M 










q 


•H H 


•■3 


H 


cd 


33 -H 




cd 


60 


>, 


•H 


01 




60 




•H 


a o 






o 


JC 


CJ 


u 


c 


M 


U 


4J 




c 


Xi 


J3 


4J 


CO 


h 


H 


TJ O) 


•H 


o 


•H 







cd 


rH 


•H 


CO 


CJ 


M CO 


a 


0J 


rH 


0> )-i 


J3 


a 


rH 


4J 


M 


rH 


cd 


(3 


cd 


a 


CJ >H 


a 


4J 


•H 


X a, 


4J 


I 


rH 


4J 


CJ 


o 


u 


•H 

s 


H 


«s 


O 33 
OS w 


<3 


£ 


<s 


•H 
S -8 


•H 
►J 


•H 
2 


O 
(X 


rS 


CO 

M 


o 
H 



153 



Mining Activity . This site type includes mine shafts, 
prospect holes, mining cairns, loading chutes, and process- 
ing mills. Mining activity excludes mining camps and towns, 
since they are designated within a separate category as 
historic camps and towns. A total of 13 separate sites 
within the mining activity designation was located, of 
which 10 were in the mountain/hill locale, 2 within the 
pediment/arroyo locale and 1 in a playa locale. Table 18 
shows the breakdown of this site type by locale and stage. 
The ten mining activity sites in the mountain/hill locale 
consist of those activities related to the distribution of 
the ore being mined, while the two sites located within 
the pediment/arroyo locale are the remains of processing 
mills, which were situated at a lower level. The site in 
the playa locale is a mining dump. 

Trash Dumps. This site type includes all discarded 
historical materials which are in an isolated context and 
not associated with any other site type. Four trash dumps 
were encountered within the pediment/arroyo locale, and 
two within the Mojave Sink locale. Table 18 shows the 
distribution of these sites by stage and locale. The 
reasons for positions of the isolated historic trash dump 
sites cannot be determined. Both the railroad record file 
dump and the fresnos (earth scoops) were apparently 
abandoned impractically . The field dump is near an old 
siding at the apex of Afton Canyon and the Mojave Sink, and 
contains records within the filing cabinets from depots 
throughout the west and as far east as Kansas City. The 
worn out fresnos were hauled nearly one-half mile from 
the railroad bed, where they had been utilized during 
construction instead of leaving them in a locale adjacent 
to the railroad. 

Ranching . This type of site includes locales that were 
potentially the remains of historically abandoned ranching 
activities, which include buildings with associated possible 
animal enclosures and historic camps around wells. Only two 
sites of this type were located; one found during Stage 1 is 
in the pediment/arroyo locale, and the one in the dune 
locale was found during Stage 3. The former site contains 
historic living debris surrounding a well area, and the 
latter site contains remnants of historic buildings, 
possible enclosures and a fence. 

Historic Rock Circles . These are circular enclosures 
of rocks, usually only one rock high, associated with 
historic debris. Only sites of this type were encountered 
both in Stage 1 located within the pediment/arroyo locale. 
The sites contain rock outline circles, one with associated 
historical debris and the other near tank tracks. It is 
assumed that these may have been made during army maneuvers 
in World War II. 



154 



Historic Camps and Towns . These sites include historic 
buildings, trash dumps, roads, tent outlines, and other 
evidences of non-ranching activities. These are considered 
to be semi-permanently or permanently utilized areas. Two 
historic camps or towns were located in the mountain/hill 
locale, three were encountered in the pediment/arroyo 
locale, and two in the Mojave Sink locale. Table 18 shows 
the distribution of these sites by stage and locale. One 
town is the historic Ragtown, located in the pediment/arroyo 
locale, which was utilized by miners who worked in the 
surrounding areas. The other sites are camps that are 
located on or near mining activity areas, with one exception. 
This is a camp situated in the middle of Silver Lake and has 
an ore dump near it, so it also is probably related to a 
mining activity. The largest camp recorded is probably 
Rochester, discussed by Roske in the Historic section, and 
is located within a pediment/arroyo locale, south of Ragtown 
and north of Stedman. 

Water Tanks . The only water tank encountered is in the 
Mojave Wash, located within the pediment/arroyo locale 
during Stage 3. The tank had no associated historic 
materials and may have been placed there for cattle usage. 

Railroad . All the sites included in this designation 
are railroad berms of the historic Tonopah & Tidewater 
Railroad, which crossed four separate transects. Despite 
the fact that each of these recordings of a railroad berm 
is part of the same railroad, they were separately noted 
as individual sites, as directed by the COAR. One site 
where the berm crosses was in the pediment/arroyo locale, 
one in the Mojave Sink locale, and two in the playa locale. 
Table 18 shows the distribution of these berms by stage and 
locale. The Tonopah & Tidewater Railroad within the project 
area extends from Stedman in the south, northward through 
Silver Lake, east of Silurian Lake and ends well outside 
the Planning Unit in Tonopah, Nevada. 

Mixed Historic and Prehistoric. These sites are 
situations where either historic sites were situated on top 
of previously existing prehistoric sites, or those cultural 
manifestations where the site had no associated identifiable 
materials. One of these types of sites occurs in the 
pediment/arroyo locale found in Stage 1, and one in the 
dunes locale found in Stage 3. The site located within the 
pediment/arroyo locale is a rock circle with no cultural 
material around it, so no determination could be made as 
to historic or prehistoric site type. The site within the 
dunes locale consists of a prehistoric temporary camp 
covered by a historic trash dump. 

Lithic Material . This site designation does not include 
any of the isolate sites that are cited in Tables 15 and 16, 
but refers to prehistoric sites where the cultural data was 



155 



entirely composed of lithic materials. This site type 
includes lithic scatter sites without adjacent quarryable 
materials, lithic sites that contain some type of float 
material that could be utilized for tool manufacture, and 
exposed chert outcrop with associated flakes. Nine lithic 
sites were encountered in the mountain/hill locale, 26 
within the pediment/arroyo locale, 1 within the dunes 
locale, 13 within the Mojave Sink locale and 4 within the 
lava locale. Table 18 shows the distribution of these 
sites by stage and locale. Of the nine sites in the 
mountain/hill locale, one is the exposed chert outcropping, 
or vein, with associated flakes, the other eight are lithic 
scatters with no quarryable material. The pediment/arroyo 
locale contains both sites with quarry float material and 
associated flakes, as well as lithic scatter sites. The 
single site in the dunes locale is a lithic scatter, as 
are the thirteen sites within the Mojave Sink locale. The 
sites in the lava locale consist of two lithic scatters 
and two sites with float material and associated cores and 
flakes. 

The predominant frequency of lithic material sites in 
the pediment/arroyo locale, and the smaller frequency in 
the mountain/hill locale, appear to be directly related to 
prevalence of washed out quarry materials in these areas 
in the form of float, mainly various cherts. No diagnostic 
artifacts were identified among these lithic material sites 
in any of the locales, and the number of actual workshop 
areas associated with these sites is limited. The workshops 
usually contain several cores and waste flakes, but almost 
no recognizable hammerstones. The lithic sites found in 
the dunes and the Mojave Sink locales appear to be secondary 
work areas where roughed out materials were being further 
refined. The few sites in the lava locale are both primary 
and secondary work areas adjacent to the lava flows. 

Temporary Camps . The definition for this site type is 
that: 

Temporary camps are sites that were occupied for 
a short length of time... by a few peoples. .. .These 
sites can be identified archaeologically by 
scattered artifacts, tool manufacturing debris, 
fire-affected rocks and possibly features. The 
inferred function of the site is limited camping 
(i.e., limited subsistence and maintenance 
activities)... (BLM 1977 : Attachment 3:2). 

Three of these site types were encountered in the pediment/ 
arroyo locale, 29 in the dunes locale, and 13 in the Mojave 
Sink locale. Table 18 shows the distribution of these 
sites by stage and locale. Of the three temporary camps in 
the pediment/arroyo, two are located on gravel ridges just 
north of West Cronese Lake and were probably utilized 



156 



during the exploitation of the lakes' resources. One 
temporary camp is 4.5 miles northwest of the lake on a 
volcanic ridge, and may have been used during the 
exploitation of the chert float material in the 
surrounding terrain. The 29 temporary camp sites within 
the dunes locale are situated either near East or West 
Cronese Lake in the low fixed, anchored dunes which 
surround both lakes. These sites also relate to the 
prehistoric aboriginal exploitation of the lakes' resources. 
The 13 Mojave Sink locale sites are also situated in 
anchored dunes within the Sink, and their situation is 
related to the extensive available resources of that 
environment. A great many of these sites have been 
previously recorded during prior archaeological research 
within the East and West Cronese Lakes area and the Mojave 
Sink. 

The sites around the East and West Cronese Lakes were 
utilized probably when the lakes contained water, which 
occurs during precipitation periods or when the Mojave 
River overflows. The water is a fluctuating factor, varying 
from one year to the next in prehistoric time, but when present 
would have been encompassed by vegetation, with associated 
animals and migratory birds. These temporary camps would 
then have a widespread chronological distribution even 
though they are geographically concentrated in a relatively 
small area. 

The Mojave Sink today contains extensive stands of 
mesquite trees and has a relatively stable subterranean 
water source. In conjunction with these aspects, this 
environment is the habitat of numerous small reptiles, rodents, 
rabbits and other wildlife. These flora and fauna would 
have served as a reliable environmental resource to 
aboriginal populations. 

Milling Station . This site type is a manifestation of 
food processing tools, either as the dominant tool or as 
the only tool on the site. Artifacts considered as food 
processing tools in this project area include manos, metates, 
pestles and a few portable mortars. Four milling stations 
were encountered, two of them located in the dunes locale 
found in Stage 3, and two in the Mojave Sink locale found 
in Stage 1. Three of the four sites contained food 
processing tools only, and the other site contained food 
processing artifacts, a few flakes and a few potsherds. 

These four sites are located near the East Cronese Lake 
or the Mojave Sink, and the plant foods processed could 
have been derived from the vegetation surrounding the lake 
or adjacent to the sink. The Cronese Lake sites are 
situated on the highest beach terrace and are in the process 
of being destroyed by erosion through the seasonal 
fluctuations of the water level in the lake. 



157 



Pottery Locus . A pottery locus is a site that consists 
solely of potsherds. Five pottery loci were encountered; 
one in the dunes stratum and four in the Mojave Sink locale. 
Table 18 shows the distribution of these sites by stage and 
locale. The sherdware fragments observed were not 
sufficiently similar to have been fragments of the same 
pottery vessel. The sherds are plainware and were field 
identified, mainly as Lower Colorado Buff ware. 

Isolate Sites. This type of site contains reworked 
flake material or single lithic artifacts. Six of these 
sites were identified during the three stages (see Table 18) 
one in the mountain/hill locale, four in the pediment/arroyo 
locale, and one in the Mohave Sink locale. 



Artifact Interpretation 

Diagnostic cultural material observed on prehistoric 
sites during the survey in the project area was rare, only 
two complete projectile points and some sherdware fragments. 
Few other recognizably diagnostic artifacts were field 
identified and recorded. At one site the diagnostic 
cultural material consisted of a complete Mojave Lake point 
and several side edge scrapers (possibly diagnostic) , all 
observed on Site A, in Transect MB-311. This site is on 
a beach remnant approximately 940 feet elevation above the 
present Silver Lake playa. The Mojave Lake point could be 
considered part of the San Dieguito Complex (T. King 1976) 
and dated approximately 6,500 to 11,000 B.C. (Hester 1973). 
Side edge scrapers are listed among the artifact types, also 
for sites of the San Dieguito Complex. The strand line on 
which the Mojave Lake point and associated lithics was 
observed is the highest visible strand line of the 
Pleistocene Lake Mojave. Opinions vary, but this strand 
line and the point may date around 10,000 years ago. 

The only other diagnostic projectile point type was 
observed on Site A, in Transect MB-631, and closely resembles 
a Rose Spring side notched point. This point may generally 
fit within the Amargosa Complex, Phase 2, which contains 
side notched point types, or Period IV, Saratoga Springs 
(Warren and Crabtree, in press) . The temporal span is not 
yet clarified, but could range from A.D. to A.D. 500 or 
A.D. 1,000, depending on the archaeological chronology 
consulted. A single nondiagnostic point tip was observed 
in the Mojave Sink area. 

King et al . (1976) have presented a detailed description 
from the East Mojave Desert region of pottery types, many 
of which have been defined from sites located within the 
southern Owl shead/ Amargosa and Mojave Basin Planning Unit. 
The sherdwares that have been defined by Rogers include 



158 

Cronese Brown and Crucero Brown wares, which he stated were 
most common near Soda Lake. He identified these wares as 
belonging to the Yuman II phase of his sequence, A.D. 1150- 
1500. Many of the sherds observed on sites in the field 
were recorded as plain ware sherds, plain brownwares and 
fewer graywares. These could belong to Rogers 1 Cronese 
Brown or Crucero Brown wares. This identification is 
particularly applicable to those sherds recorded on sites 
in the vicinity of the East and West Cronese Lakes or in 
the Mojave Sink area. 

Lower Colorado Buffware has also been previously located 
in the Mojave Sink area, including some decorated sherd 
types. During this survey, all the sherds observed that 
were field identified as Lower Colorado Buffware, are plain 
ware types. These plain wares probably date to between A.D. 
900 and A.D. 1400, although there appears to be no overall 
agreement as to the internal chronological sequence of these 
Lower Colorado Buff wares within the region of the project 
area. 

The remainder of the prehistoric cultural materials 
observed during the survey of the transects consisted of 
non-diagnostic lithics, numerous waste flakes, occasional 
worked flakes, some cores, a few scrapers and knives. There 
appears to have been an absence of any large lithic 
tradition, at least on those sites that were examined and 
recorded. Ground stone implements include fragments of 
metates, occasional manos and a fragment of a possible 
pestle. In the temporary campsites recorded during the 
survey the association of these ground stone implements 
with sherdware would imply a relatively late date of at 
least post-A.D. 900. None of the ground stone implements 
were found with diagnostic lithic materials. 

A tip of a single bone awl and shell disc beads were 
observed on Site A, in Transect MB-631. The potential date 
for the side notched projectile point, also found on this 
site, does not necessarily apply to these artifacts. 

The determination of chronological interpretation from 
the field observation of prehistoric artifacts in the 
project area, particularly in the East and West Cronese Lake, 
the Mojave Sink and the Soda Lake areas, would be extremely 
dubious at the present time. These areas have been 
collected by professionals and nonprofessionals over the 
last sixty years. In addition, there has been heavy use of 
this region by ORV vehicles, recreational vehicles of all 
types, campers, World War II maneuvers, railroad activities, 
and historic mining. Based on these disturbances the present 
surface association of artifacts on a site is of questionable 
reliability. The lack of projectile points in easily 
accessible site areas is also apparent. In a total of 89 
recorded prehistoric sites, only two complete projectile 



159 



points and one point fragment were observed. From Rogers' 
site descriptions and discussion it is apparent that, at 
the time he was conducting his research, sites that he 
recorded within the project area contained numerous 
projectile points, more distinctive sherd ware and many 
other artifact types. 

Site Frequency Interpretations as Indicators of Site 
Patternings 

Environmental variables were correlated with the 
geomorphic designations during the initial sampling design, 
and designated as strata. Frequencies of historic and 
prehistoric sites subsequently have been independently 
determined for significance of environmental site types in 
geomorphic locales. The occurrence of sites by strata are 
shown in Tables 15 through 17, and in Section 6, Table 13, 
and the transect geomorphic designation is based on the 
dominant land form in that transect. The type of sites 
by locale as shown in Tables 18 and 19 refers to the specific 
environment, or geomorphic locale in which the site itself 
was found. Not only are site types separated by whether 
they are historic or prehistoric, their specific identifica- 
tion is delineated, thus providing an indication of site 
patternings for the 1% sample of the study area. The 
frequency expresses the percentage of cultural manifestations 
in a given environmental situation, usually related to 
available resources. Environment is a larger determining 
factor prehistorically for resources than historically for 
resources, as is apparent in Table 19 by the percentage 
frequencies. 

Historic settlements appear to be linked to economic 
variables. Town or camp, mines, railroad (considering 
each railroad berm encountered as separate) and the water 
tank account for 88% of the historic sites observed. 
Twelve percent of the historic sites encountered were 
related to the environment. These were the two ranching 
areas located in the pediment locale. 

Initial resource data indicates two significant 
categories of environmental attributes. In the dune and 
Mojave Sink environs frequencies of prehistoric sites were 
significantly higher than historic sites. Twenty-nine 
percent of all prehistoric sites occur in dune locales, 
while only 5% of all historic sites were observed in the 
same environment. Twenty-nine percent of all historic 
sites occur in the Mojave Sink, while 14% of all historic 
sites are in this locale. Table 19 summarizes these 
frequencies by stage of prehistoric and historic sites within 
the different geomorphic locales and/or environmental 
variables. These frequencies have reference to those 
variables in the vicinity of the site situation and do not 
reflect the geomorphic stratum of the transect in which the 
site was located. 



160 



o 
to 

a) 

a • 

cr . 
0) 

Pn fH 



OHP1 O O O 



2 S 



•H 
CO 

c 

CD 

§•» 

<1> 

Pn O 



O 4J 

•rl 

=«fe CO 



■a 

a 

•H 
CO 
4J 

3 rH 



161 



It is believed that the high frequency of historic 
sites located on the pediment and mountain locales is due 
to the amount of mining activity within these geomorphic 
attributes. These percentages do not express any environ- 
mental correlation with edible resources, except by 
coincidence. The frequency of prehistoric site occurrences 
on pediments relates to the availability of float quarrying 
materials, as well as utilizable edible plants. 

The unnamed dry lake, just north of the Silver Lake 
outlet, and Silurian Lake as part of a Pleistocene lake 
and drainage system, have the potential of containing the 
sub-surface remains of early archaeological materials. In 
the Pleistocene all of these lakes were part of a drainage 
system, flowing north from Lake Mojave through the Amargosa 
River and draining into Lake Manly (Morrison 1965) . One 
reason there may be sub-surface materials around these 
present playas is that, at the end of the Pleistocene when 
Lake Mojave was reduced to a series of smaller lakes, and 
Silver Lake no longer discharged water northward into the 
unnamed dry lake and Silurian Lake, these lakes became 
playas fed only by rain waters from the slopes and arroyos 
adjacent to them. Subsequently, as these playas filled 
with alluvial sediments, earlier archaeological remains 
may have been buried beneath this debris. 

Distribution correlations with environmental attributes 
should only be addressed to prehistoric sites. The environ- 
ment was an integral aspect of prehistoric peoples, both for 
subsistence and for the development and maintenance of their 
cultures. Historic correlations to the environment are (at 
best) anthropomorphic constructs and do not exhibit the same 
land use relationships employed by prehistoric peoples. 
This is particularly true for this project area, since by 
the time the region was settled historically outside 
resources for subsistence were available through wagon roads 
and later railroads. 

Discussion 

A total of 151 prehistoric and historic sites (not 
including isolated finds) were recorded during the survey 
with 14 8 transects, 58% of which were selected randomly and 
42% non-randomly. Based on the results of the two randomly 
selected stages it is felt that a two stage survey, with 
approximately 4 0% of the transects randomly selected and 
about 60% of the transects non-randomly selected, might 
prove more effective than a three stage design. The 
randomly selected transects provide an overview of site 
distribution and predictability within designated geomorphic 
units and give clues to areas where quarrying material may 
occur, to an understanding of the terrain, and a concept 
of aboriginal use of the available biotic resources. The 



162 



non-random transects would be oriented towards situations 
which the random transects have indicated are potentially 
productive of site frequencies. 

Assigning a transect to a geomorphic stratum, when 50% 
or more of the transect falls within that geomorphic 
designation, does not express the reality of the variable 
environments that might occur within that transect. Since 
the transect concordance by geomorphic stratum, for the most 
part, was 40% or less, site prediction, density and site 
patternings were difficult to determine on this basis. 
Geomorphic locale, or the precise geomorphic designation of 
the site situation, has provided a higher confidence level 
of predictability and site patternings. Miller (Section 6) 
has used the term "geomorphic unit" in Stage 3, which refers 
to the geomorphic locale of the site. The higher yields 
resultant from these geomorphic units are apparent in her 
final graphs and also in Tables 18 and 19 (pp. 152, 160). 

Historically and prehistorically, the pediment valley 
areas appear to have been heavily utilized. When mountain/ 
hill sites are combined with pediment sites, thirty-five 
prehistoric sites that are lithic scatters of various types 
were recorded in these two locales. This prehistoric 
distribution of lithic sites in these geomorphic locales is 
based on the available quarryable materials as float, and 
exposed veins of chert or other utilizable lithic sources 
as the lava flow area. Historically, mining activities are 
highest in these same areas. 

Prehistoric campsites occur in highest frequencies 
within the dune or Mojave Sink geomorphic locales and these 
are assumed to relate to seed-gathering activities within 
an environment which has a number of available plant 
resources, the most significant being mesquite. Dune locales 
also contain numerous small fauna. Essentially, the 
clustering effect of sites is apparent in the East and West 
Cronese Lakes and the Mojave Sink area, as well as adjacent 
pediment locales where these potential environmental resource; 
were available. 

Unfortunately, these dune and Mojave Sink areas recently 
are heavily utilized by recreationally oriented people, and 
most of these sites are readily accessible and have been 
disturbed or destroyed. Much of the predictability of 
aboriginal use patterns here has been lost through the 
disturbance of the sites, their surface configurations and 
the associated artifacts. This is particularly true in the 
East Cronese Lake and Mojave Sink areas, where there is an 
abundance of vehicular traffic during any weekend or holiday 
period. 

The most sensitive areas within the project region 
where site clusterings are recorded are the Mohave Sink, 



163 



extending approximately from the east end of Afton Canyon to 
the western edge of the Devil's Playground (designated the 
Mojave River Wash on the U.S.G.S. maps) and the East and West 
Cronese Lakes. The Silver Lake area, although significant 
archaeologically, does not have the heavy recreational 
activities at present that are occurring in the dune areas 
of the Mojave Sink and the Cronese Lakes. Prior to any 
management decision of locales where recreational activities 
could be allowed, some type of studies should be made to 
determine the human impact on both the natural and the 
archaeological environmental resources. 

The function of this preliminary study, from the 
archaeological research point of view, has been to enlarge 
the knowledge about prehistoric and historic locations in 
the southern half of the Owlshead/Amargosa Planning Unit 
and the Mojave Basin Planning Unit. This report is part of 
the overall endeavor being conducted by the Desert Planning 
Unit of the Bureau of Land Management in their efforts to 
synthesize the results of a series of research studies for 
that portion of the Mojave Desert located in southeastern 
California. This has taken a tremendous amount of 
coordination and cooperation between the staff of the Desert 
Planning Unit, under the direction of Eric Ritter, and the 
various archaeological research teams working in the field. 
The data that have been collected as a result of these 
efforts will prove to be of value to a broad spectrum of 
disciplines within the scientific community. 



TIP 

c 



30 



•22 

y ..0 o° oc 



Illustration of a "Ceremonial (alignment) on a high gravel 
mesa north of M-0 site on East Cronese." Site reported as 
M-O-A by Malcolm Rogers. Illustration copied from Rogers' 
notes, on file at the San Diego Museum of Man, by Russell 
L. Kaldenberg. 



164 



BIBLIOGRAPHY: ARCHAEOLOGY 



Antevs, E. 

1952 Climatic History on the Antiquity of Man in California. 

University of California Archaeological Survey Reports , 16:23-31. 

Campbell, E. W. C. et al. 

1937 The archaeology of Pleistocene Lake Mojave. Southwest Museum , 
Papers 11. Los Angeles, California. 

Clewlow, C. W. 

1968 Surface archaeology of the Black Rock Desert, Nevada. University 
of California Archaeological Survey Reports , 73:1-94. 

Donnan, C. B. 

1964 A suggested culture sequence for the Providence Mountains. 

University of California Archaeological Survey , Annual Report 1963- 
64:1-26. 

Hester, T. R. 

1973 Chronological ordering of Great Basin prehistory. University of 
California Archaeological Research Facility , Number 17, Department of 
Anthropology, Berkeley, California. 

Hester, R. R. and R. F. Heizer 

1973 Review and discussion of Great Basin projectile points: form and 
chronology. University of California Archaeological Research Facility , 
Number 18. Department of Anthropology, Berkeley, California. 

King, Jr., T. J. 

1976 Archaeological implications of the palaeobotanical record from 
Lucerne Valley area of the Mojave Desert. San Bernardino County 
Museum Quarterly , 13:4. 

King, C. 

1976 Background to historic and prehistoric resources of the east 
Mojave Desert region. U.S. Dept. of Interior , Bureau of Land 
Management , California Desert Planning Program, Riverside, Calif. 

Lanning, E. P. 

1963 Archaeology of the Rose Spring Site INY-372. University of 
California Publications in American Archaeology and Ethnology , 49 
(3):237-336. 

Rogers, K. J. 

1939 Early lithic industries of the lower basin of the Colorado River 
and adjacent desert areas. San Diego Museum, Papers 3. 



165 



Wallace, W. J. 

1962 Prehistoric cultural development in the southern California 
deserts. American Antiquity , 28(2) :172-180. 

Warren, Claude 

1967 The San Diequito Complex: a review and hypothesis. American 
Antiquity 32(2) :168-185. 

Warren, Claude and Robert Crabtree 

In press The Prehistory of the Southwestern Great Basin . W. C. 
Sturtevant General editor, Handbook North American Indians , 
Smithsonian Instirution, Washington, D.C. 

Warren, Claude and D. L. True 

1961 The San Dieguito Complex and its place in California prehistory. 
University of California Archaeological Survey , Annual Report. 
1960-1961:246-337. 

Woodward, J. A. and A. F. Woodard 

1966 The Carbon-14 dates from Lake Mojave. Southwestern Museum , 
MasterKey 40 (3):96-102. Los Angeles, California. 



ETHNO-BOTANICAL 



Bean, Lowell John and Katherine Saubel 

1972 Temalpakh : Cahuilla Knowledge and Useage of Plants . Malki 
Museum Press. 

Birdsell, J. B. 

1953 Some Environmental and Cultural Factors Influencing the Structure 
of Australian Aboriginal Populations. American Naturalist 87(834): 
171-207. 

Castetter, Edward E. and Willis H. Bell 

1951 Yuman Indian Agriculture . University of New Mexico Press. 

Felger, Richard 

1976 Personal Communication, Arizona-Sonoran Museum, Tucson. 

Fowler, Don D. and Catherine S. Fowler 

1971 Anthropology of the Numa: John Wesley Powell's manuscripts on 
the Numic peoples of Western North America, 1868-1880. Smithsonian 
Institution. Contributions to Anthropology , 14. 

Lee, Richard B. and Irven DeVore 

1976 Kalahari Hunter-Gatherers . Harvard University Press. 

Manners, Robert A. 

1974 Southern Paiute and Chemehuevi : An Ethnohistorical Report . 
Garland American Indian Ethnohistory Series. 



166 



Munz, Phillip 

1968 A California Flora . University of California Press. Berkeley. 



ETHNOLOGY 



Bean, Lowell J. and Charles R. Smith 

1978 Serrano. _In Robert F. Heizer (Volume editor), California . 

Handbook of North American Indians Volume 8. Smithsonian 
Institution, Washington. 

Beals, Ralph L. and Joseph A. Hester, Jr. 

1974 Indian Land Use and Occupancy in California. In_ California and 
Basin-Plateau Indians . California Indians I, 111:191-241. Garland 
Series in American Indian Ethnohistory, New York. 

Cook, Sherburne F. 

1976 The Conflict between the California Indian &^ White Civilization . 
Berkeley: University of California Press. 

Drucker, Philip 

1939 Culture element distributions: V Southern California. University 
of California Publications in Anthropological Records 1:1-52. 
University of California Press, Berkeley. 

Ellis, Florence H. 

1968 What Utaztekan ethnology suggests of Utaztekan prehistory. In 
Earl H. Swanson, Jr. (ed.). Occasional Papers of the Idaho State 
University Museum , Pocatello. 

Gifford, Edward W. 

1918 Clans & moities in southern California. University of 
California Publications in American Archaeology &_ Ethnology 
14:2:155-219. University of California Press. Berkeley. 

Goss, James A. 

1968 Culture-historical inference from Utaztekan linguistic evidence. 
In Earl H. Swanson, Jr. (ed.) Utaztekan Prehistory. Occasional 
Papers of the Idaho State University Museum , Number 22, Pocatello. 



Inter-Tribal Council 

1976 Nuwuvi: A Southern Paiute History 



Nevada. 



Inter-Tribal Council of 
University of Utah Printing Service, Salt Lake City. 



Kelly, Isabel T. 

1934 Southern Paiute Bands. 



American Antiquity 36:548-560. 



16 7 



Kroeber, Alfred L. 

1907a Indians myths of south central California. University of 
California Publications in American Archaeology and Ethnology 2:3, 
Berkeley. 

Kroeber, Alfred L. 

1907b Shoshonean dialects of California. University of California 
Publications in American Archaeology and Ethnology 4:3, Berkeley. 

1907c Types of Indian Culture in California. University of California 
Publications in American Archaeology and Ethnology 2:3, Berkeley. 

1908 A mission record of the California Indians, from a manuscript in 
the Bancroft Library. University of California Publications in 
American Archaeology and Ethnology 8:1:1-127, Berkeley. 

1908 Notes on Shoshonean dialects of southern California. University 
of California Publications in American Archaeology and Ethnology 
8:5:235-269, Berkeley. 

1917 California kinship systems. University of California Publication; 
in American Archaeology and Ethnology 12:9:339-396, Berkeley. 

1925 Handbook of the Indians of California. Smithsonian Institution , 
Bureau of American Ethnology , Bulletin 78. (Reprint 1967, California 
Book Co., Berkeley.) 

Laird, Carobeth 

1976 The Chemehuevis . Banning: Malki Museum Press. 

Manners, Robert A. 

1974 Southern Paiute & Chemehuevi : An Ethnohistorical Report In 
Paiute Indians I_. American Indian Ethnohistory : California and 
Basin-Plateau Indians . Garland Publishing Co., New York. 

Phillips, George H. 

1975 Chiefs and Challengers : Indian resistance and cooperation in 
southern California . University of California Press. Berkeley. 

Shinn, G. Hazen 

1941 Shoshonean Days : recollections of a_ residence of five years 
among the Indians of southern California 1885-1889 . Privately 
printed for the author by the Arthur H. Clark Company. Glendale, 
California. 

Steward, Julian H. 

1938 Basin-Plateau Aboriginal Sociopolitical Groups. Smithsonian 
Institution , Bureau of American Ethnology Bulletin 120. Reprint 
1970, University of Utah Press, Salt Lake City. 



168 



Van Valkenburgh, Richard F. 

1974 Chemehuevi notes. Paiute Indians II . American Indian 

Ethnohistory . California and Basin-Plateau Indians pp. 225-253. 
Garland Publishing Co., New York. 



GEOLOGY 



Bailey, Harry P. 

1954a Climate, vegetation and land use in southern California, In 
Geology of Southern California ; California Division of Mines 
Bulletin 170, Chapter I, Contributions II, pp. 31-44. 

Blackwelder, Eliot 

1954a Geomorphic processes in the desert, In Geology of Southern 
California : California Division of Mines Bulletin 170, Chapter IV, 
Contribution II, pp. 13-17. 

Blanc, Robert P. and George B. Cleveland 

1961 Pleistocene Lakes of Southern California I: California Division 
of Mines Mineral Information Service , 14(4) :l-7. 

Dibblee, T. W. and D. F. Hewett 

1970 Geology of the Mojave Desert: California Division of Mines 
Mineral Information Service , 23(9) :180-185. 

Fenneman, Nevin M. 

1931 Physiography of the Western United States . McGraw-Hill Book Co. 
New York. 



:wett, D. F. 

1954a General Geology of the Mojave Desert region California 
California Division of Mines Bulletin 170, Chapter II, Conti 



pp. 5-20. 

King, Chester and D. G. Casebier 

1976 Background to historic and prehistoric resources of the east 
Mojave Desert region. University of California Archaeological 
Research Unit , Riverside, California. 

Mendenhall, Walter C. 

1909 Some Desert Watering Places in Southeastern California and 
Southwestern Nevada, United States Geologic Survey , Water-Supply 
Paper 224. Government Printing Office, Washington. 

Morrison, Roger B. 

1965 Quaternary Geology of the Great Basin In The Quaternary of the 
United States . H.E. Wright Jr. and D.G. Frey, ed. Princeton 
University Press, Princeton, New Jersey. 



169 



Reed, Judyth 

1977 Springs of the Mojave Basin, Amargosa and Bitter water area. 

Manuscript on file, Bureau of Land Management, Riverside, California. 

Rogers, Malcolm Jr. 

1939 Early lithic industries of the lower basin of the Colorado River 
and adjacent desert area. San Diego Museum Papers Number 3. San 
Diego, California. 

Thompson, D. G. 

1929 The Mojave Desert region: a geographic, geologic and hydrologic 
reconnaissance. United States Geological Survey , Water-Supply Paper 
578. 



STATISTICAL ANALYSIS 



Adams, Robert McColl 

1972 Uruk Countryside . University of Chicago Press, Chicago. 

Barnett, Vic 

1973 Comparative Statistical Inference . John Wiley and Sons, New 
York. 

Chakravarti, I. M. , R. G. Laha and J. Roy 

1967 Handbook of Methods of Applied Statistics , Vol. II, Planning of 
Surveys and Experiments. John Wiley and Sons, New York. 

Davis, J., R. Elston, and G. Townsend 

1974 Preliminary Archaeological Reconnaissance of Fallen Leaf Lake . 
Nevada Archaeological Survey, University of Nevada, Reno. 

Doran, J. E. and F. R. Hodson 

1975 Mathematics and Computers in Archaeology . Harvard University 
Press, Cambridge, Mass. 

McGee, Victor 

1971 Principles of Statistics : Traditional and Bayesian . Appleton- 
Century-Crof ts, Meredith Corp., New York. 



9 U. S. GOVERNMENT PRINTING OFFICE: 1981 78<t-98'4/2 72 7 



170 




Depicted within the central portion of this photograph is an alignment of 
sixteen rock cairns. The site is located in the Mojave Basin Planning Unit 
on the south bank of the Mojave River just west of Afton Canyon. Photo courtesy 
d^ T Tarry Casey.